- Origin: Often cited as the most ancient names known for the region, used before the 16th-century arrival of Europeans.
- Significance: Galajunkja specifically reflects the historical, marshy nature of the area.
- Context: They highlight the indigenous roots of the city, which was later modified by colonial powers (Portuguese and British) before being officially renamed Mumbai in 1995.
What's in a name? A whole lot across town
Updated on: 16 February,2020 06:14 AM IST | Mumbai
Meher Marfatia
How did Bombay's precincts get to have the evocative names they do? A selection from the new book inspired by this column

Prescott road: At 90, Jini Dinshaw is founder-trustee of the city's longest running ensemble, the Bombay Chamber Orchestra. She lives and teaches music on Prescott Road, named after Mary Prescott
Agripada the "hamlet (pada) of the Agris", wedged between west Byculla and east Bombay Central, was where a trio of cultivators (Agris) camped: Bhat Agris or rice planters, Mitha Agris or salt manufacturers and Bhaji-pala Agris or vegetable farmers.
Altamont Road it is, not Altamount Road as most misname it. Colonel Altamont served the Nawab of Lucknow before settling on this lush Cumballa Hill slope leading up from Kemp's Corner.
Apollo Bunder is traced partly from "bandar", meaning "port". Palla fish was sold on these shores. Corrupted to the Portuguese "Pollem", the word finally emerged as "Apollo". Another version has it that Apollo is an adaptation of palava, a fishing vessel—"Palava la jaavu ya" meant "Let's go fishing."

Who sailed solo to 19th-century Bombay to pioneer education for girls in the Esplanade area. Pic/Suresh Karkera
Bandra being prime monkey habitat, was called Vandra, or "ape". The general allusion is the Portuguese's, hailing Bandor, from "bandar" or "port". Variations abounded—Bandera, Bandura, Bandore, Bandorah, Bandara—till a railway signboard conclusively printed: Bandra.
Bhendi Bazar isn't only a nod to Indian tulip tree groves (Thespesia populnea), locally dubbed "bhendi". The Brits referred to the area as "behind the bazar", which people colloquially slurred to Bhendi Bazar.
Borivli gets its name from plantations of boras, fruit berries which used to fall in thick carpets on the ground of this northern suburb the English insisted on spelling as "Berewlee".
Breach Candy comes from "breach", a gap in the rocks the land mass formed here, linking its Arabian Sea flank to the Mahalaxmi and Byculla flats beyond. "Candy" could be the Anglicised pronunciation of "khind", meaning "a pass".
Byculla partially alludes to European carriages, called "gharries" (read purring Plymouths and stately Studebakers), rolling past Cassi fistula trees—the Indian laburnum, "bhaya". Suffixed with "khala", which was a threshing floor, the words combined as Byculla.
Carmichael Road, with residences Claude Batley and George Wittet imagined along the eastern edge of Cumballa Hill, acknowledges David Fremantle Carmichael of the Civil Services. It has been renamed ML Dahanukar Road, honouring the first post-Independence Sheriff whose family lived mid-street at Shree Sadan.
Chembur stems from the charming Marathi "chimboree" (big crab), like Kurla from "kurlya" (little crab). At low tide, its sun-hardened soil withstood the tread of bullock carts carrying Pathare Prabhu, Koli, Bhandari and Agri settlers.
Chowpatty combines "chau" or "four" and "patti", the channels that tides flowed into till the western foreshore was reclaimed. Interestingly, though the word signified four inlets from the sea to Girgaon, today this is an outlet for people to the sea.
Churchgate refers to St Thomas' Church (it became a cathedral in 1837), half a kilometre from the railway station, roughly where the Flora Fountain stands. Till the 19th century, Bombay was fortified with walls, a moat and three gates. The other two were Apollo Gate and Bazar Gate.
Dongri derives from "dongar", or rock, rising on a hill levelled by the City Improvement Trust. Dongri is supposed to have given its name to the dungaree, Indian calico used for workmen and labourers clothes before it became a fashion item.
Forjett Street takes after Charles Forjett, the Anglo-Indian Deputy Commissioner of Police (1856-64), who organised Bombay's first police force. Slipping into clever disguises to bust 19th-century crime rings, he donned the desi dress, spoke local lingo and artfully slunk along dark streets to feel the pulse of the people.
French Bridge is in fact fully English. The 1866-constructed Gamdevi bridge is named for Colonel Patrick T. French, British founder chairman of the BB&CI Railway. Indophile and musicologist, French submitted the Royal Irish Academy essays like "Catalogue of Indian Musical Instruments".
Ghatkopar some say, alludes to the suburban hill range tapering off at Thane, "ghat ke oopar". Others ascribe it to the Marathi word for corner—"khopra"—of the Western Ghats, therefore Ghat-khopra.

Goregaon: Goregaon activist Mrinal Gore, socialists Baburao Samant and George Fernandes at Baburao's daughter's wedding in the 1970s
Goregaon is not a hat tip to activist Mrinal Gore, dubbed "Paniwali Bai" (she campaigned for drinking water, among other crusades). Ghodegaon was the horse trade centre for Maratha warriors. They bought horses from Ghodegaon market, after trial trots 10 kilometres away on the rugged hilltop, which came to be called Ghodeghoom.
Gowalia Tank has a bucolic connotation. "Gow", meaning "cow", Gowalia referred to shepherds bathing their cattle and sheep in the boat-filled tank that once stood adjacent to Nana Chowk. A wilderness, the site was cultivated with rice and pomelo plantations before being built over.
Hughes Road touching Bombay's first flyover at Kemp's Corner, from 1964, salutes Sir Walter Hughes—inaugural chairman of the Improvement Trust, which developed this vicinity of New Gamdevi as a model "suburb" in 1908.
Kemp's Corner was birthed by everybody's favourite prescription chemist in a roofed store at this junction, Kemp & Co. The pharmacy dispensed medicines as well as soda water in a siphon bottle. Kemp's had an extremely accurate weighing scale available at no charge.
Khar from the Marathi "khara", or salty (the area was seawater marshy), unravels in a patchwork of Pathare Prabhu, Sindhi, Sikh, East Indian, Parsi, Gujarati and Muslim influences and confluences. When the suburb got its train station in 1924, premises on these "khara" tracts were declared ready to rent.
Khetwadi, lauded for sprawling paddy fields and groves (khet-wadi), now presents a barren spectre. Residents have slowly watched lanes lined with an abundance of peepul, mango and ashoka trees, flowering bushes, almond and drumstick trees, disappear.
Khodadad Circle at Dadar takes after travel writer Gustasp Irani's ancestor. The four buildings ringing this roundabout were erected by his grandfather Gustasp and his brother Rustom—"The municipal commissioner agreed to name the circle for their father Khodadad, my great-grandfather." Clockwise, as Tilak Bridge ends, stand Empress Mahal, Empire Mahal, Imperial Mahal and Harganga Mahal (formerly Rustom Mahal). Ishwar Singh Chowhan says the property was renamed Harganga in 1944, passed on to his uncle, Harnam Singh and father, Ganga Singh.
Matunga claims a dual etymology. The word Matang is Marathi for "elephant". This was where Raja Bhimdev's 14th-century elephant stables were. Another legend has it that sage Matang of the Ramayana rested here after wandering the subcontinent.

Mulund: Girija Chandramouli, a Mulund old-timer, at a flower show in the suburb Emperor Ashoka himself was among the first to step into. Pic/Datta Kumbhar
Mulund in Emperor Ashoka's reign, was where Buddhist monks rested, as they did near ports assigned names of gods and goddesses. This ancient precinct went from being called Mahabali to Muchalind to Mul-Kund. A 10th-century Tamrapatra copper plate from the Shilahara era is inscribed with the word "Mulund".
Pasta Lanes 1, 2, 3 and 4 in Colaba, sound like la bella Italia's delectable dish but really salute Kutchi Bhatia philanthropist Goculdas Liladhur Pasta. Sheth Mohanjee, Goculdas' cotton merchant forefather, was declared "pasta", or "prince", for his generosity. Honouring the legacy, Goculdas and his son Madhavdas sponsored temples, dharamshalas, wells
and tanks.
Prescott Road remembers Mary Prescott, who sailed to the subcontinent to start a school for girls. In 1860, the Englishwoman established JB Petit High School. Earlier called Miss Prescott's Fort Christian School, its current name owes thanks to Jehangir Bomanji Petit's later financial aid; it might otherwise have fused with the Cathedral Girls' School.
Santa Cruz translates as "Holy Cross" in Portuguese. The village known as Khulbhowree was hailed Santa Cruz by Salsette Christians reciting the Rosary together on a hillock, around a rough wooden cross. A chapel at the spot in 1850 marked the inception of Sacred Heart Church on SV Road in 1936.
Siri Road led from Gamdevi village up jungle-covered slopes of Malabar Hill to the Walkeshwar temple. Worshippers ascended the winding path which, being narrow, was named "Siri" (ladder) Road.
Sleater Road near Grant Road Station on BB&CI Railway land, commemorates JM Sleater, its Chief Engineer in the 1880s. It was renamed Naushir Bharucha Marg to honour the corporator-MLA credited for concretising the road, among the first tarred in South Bombay.
Tardeo, like other precincts taking after the flora that proliferated in and around them, was christened for palm tads flourishing below midtown Cumballa Hill. With a deity installed, the term Tad-dev was coined.
Vile Parle goes back to a pair of hamlets—Padle near Santa Cruz and Irle near Andheri—resulting in the station between named Vidlai (Idlai to those dropping the "V") Padlai. From Vidlai Padlai to Vile Parle was a step for East Indian Christian villagers whose paddy patches, fruit and rose gardens fanned out, zoned east-west.

Wadala: Kazim Ahmedji and Shakeb Ahmedji washing a stone at the Shaykh Misri Dargah believed to be 500 years old and indicative of the era in which this saint came to Wadala. Pic/Falguni Agrawal
Wadala has two stories suggesting its origin. Trees planted in 13th-century Bombay lent localities their names. Parel derived from the paral (trumpet flower), Wadala from wad (banyan). We prefer the colourful claim that a tiger roamed the area, eyes glowing and a fierce flick of his tail sweeping the ground he prowled down to from the hill. The Marathi "wagh dola", tiger eyes, became Wadala. This folksier version is offered by Kazim Ahmedji, from the Sunni family of mujawwar (caretakers whose ancestors worked in the service of saints) at Shaykh Misri Dargah.
Walkeshwar is literally "valu ke Ishwar", derived from the Sanskrit for a sand-sculpted deity. It is where Rama is believed to have rested a night, fatigued searching for kidnapped Sita. Picking a handful of sand from this spot, he moulded a lingam. Then, Walkeshwar gave its name to the main Banganga temple too.
Author-publisher Meher Marfatia writes fortnightly on everything that makes her love Mumbai and adore Bombay. Reach her at meher.marfatia@mid-day.com
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In 1947, Bombay was still part of the Bombay Presidency. Now-defunct addresses reflect the life of the time.
* Banian Road: From Bania, a trading caste who had houses there.
*
* Depot Lane:
* Gunpowder Road
* Palki Gully:
* Scandal Point:
Crows and man with umbrella at scandal point Warden Road Bombay now Mumbai India
Captions are provided by our contributor
The lovely monument overlooks rockery at Scandal Point, dubbed for a romantic wartime association — it offered secluded niches for soldiers stealing sunset moments with their lady loves, amid the caw-caw of crows readying to nest for the night.

The Band Box mascot
In line with Scandal Point, plum positioned Breach Candy Club oozed snobby irony. It boasted the country's largest pool, shaped like undivided India, despite a Whites Only membership policy.
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Sheik Memon Street (Native Town), Bombay
B. Rigold and Bergmann were a London firm (69, Bishopsgate, London, E.C.), apparently established in 1876 that traded with India and China. They also had offices in Bombay and Calcutta in 1902, and apparently sold playing cards, betel nuts and other goods with their brand, including a series of quality sepia cards of Bombay like this one. Note the telephone pole on the top left, and the distant minaret of Jumma Masjid in the distance. This card is not postmarked but was addressed to "Mr. W. Meldrum, Pietermaritzburg, Transvaal, S. Africa."
REV JOHN WILSON D D FRS-as an educational institution going
back to 1832. It began as Ambrolie School in Girgaum, later seeing
several changes of sites and names, eventually being called Wilson
School. A collegiate section from which Wilson College evolved in 1836.
[1]Abdul Kehman Street. (Crawford Market to Pydhoni.) ,
The origin of this name has been traced with much labour ;by Mr. K. P. Karkaria;TOa Konkani Mahomedan who flourished 150 years ago once owner of most of the land in this locality. After his time Sir Jamsetji Jeejeebhai, 1st Baronet, (1783-1859),
Sir Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy, Bt Jejeebhoy and his Chinese secretary (portrait by George Chinnery) Born 15 July 1783 Bombay, India Died 14 April 1859 (aged 75) Bombay, India Occupation Merchant, philanthropist, business magnate came to own large properties here and a section of this street is commonly known to this day as Batlivala Mohola, or street, Batlivala being the Baronet's surname.{ Jejeebhoy was known by the nickname "Mr. Bottlewaller". "Waller" meant "trader", and Jejeebhoy's business interests included the manufacture and sale of bottles. Jejeebhoy and his family would often sign letters and checks using the name "Bottlewaller", and were known by that name in business and society, but he did not choose this assumed surname when it came to the baronetcy.} This street has seVeral sections known to Indians by different names :Batlivala Street (as above) ; Machhi Bazaar, fish market, there being one in the locality up till 30 years ago ; Bangribazaar, market for bangles, there being shops of bangle dealers ; and Rangari Mohola, street of dyers.[2]Adam Street. (From Apollo Pier to Lansdowne Road.)Named after Mr. J. Adams, executive engineer and teacher of architectural drawing, Sir J. J. School of Art.He designed the Yacht Club ChambersROYAL BOMBAY YACHT CLUB 1860(see aso Stevens Street). The street is called Adam after a man called Adams on the same principle of perversity which leads many people to speak of an Adams ceiling or mantelpiece when they mean it has been designed by one of the famous brothers Adam.'
OLD STREET NAME IN MUMBAI NEW STREET NAME Apollo Pier Road Chhatrapati Shivaji Marg Aurther Road Sane Guruji Marg Apollo Street Bombay Samachar Marg Andheri Versova Road Jaiprakash Marg Azad Road Veer M Manekar Marg Andheri Kurla Road Sir Mathuradas V Marg Argyle (Part) Sant Tukaram Marg Bhatia Baug (V T) Nagar Chowk Ballard Road Shoorjee Vallabhdas Marg Bastian Road Amrit Keshav Naik Marg Bazar Gate Street Perin Nariman Street Bellasis Road Jehangir Behram Road Bombay Agra Road Lal Bhadur Shastri Marg Bruce Street Homi Modi Street Carnac Road Lokmanya Tilak Marg Cadell Road Veer Savarkar Marg Cruickshank Road Mahapalika Marg Carnegy Road Nathibai Thackersey Road Central Avenue Marg Swami Dayanand Marg Charni Road Rammohan Roy Marg Chakala Street Sherif Devji Street Churchgate Street Veer Nariman Marg Clark Road Keshavrao Khadye Marg Duncan Road Maulana Azad Marg Dougal Road Narottam Morarji Marg Delisle Roa N M Joshi Marg Dadar M Road (North) Dadasaheb Falke Marg Dhobi Talao K Vasudeo B Fadke Choke Dugall Road Narottam Morarji Marg Eliphistone Circle Mahatma Gandhi Marg Explanade Road P D Mello Marg Frere Road (Part) Ganpatrao Kadam Marg Fergusson Road General Bhonsle Marg Foreshore Road Shahid Bhagat Singh Marg Flora Fountain Hutatma Chowk Forbes Street Dr V B Gandhi Marg Foras Road R S Nimbkar Marg Fort Street Walchand Hirachand Road Girgaum Road J Shankarseth Road Ghodbunder Road S Vivekanand Marg Grant Road M Shuakat Ali Road Graham Road J N Herdia Marg Gowalia Tank Road August Kranti Marg Ghatkopar Mohul Road R Chembulkar Marg Homby Road Dr Dadabhai Nawrojee Marg Horby Road Lala Lajpat Rai Marg Huges Road Nayaymurti L Patkar Marg Harvey Road Pandit Ramabai Marg Haji Ali Chowk Vatsala Bai Desai Chowk Home Street Charanjit Rai Marg Hanes Street Dr E Moses Marg Harkness Street Jamnadas Mehta Road Jacob Circle Gadge Maharaj Chowk Juhu Lane C D Barfiwala Marg Kings Circle Maheshwari Udyan Lamington Road Dr A Nair Road Lohar Street K M Sharma Road Lohar Street N C Kelkar Marg Lady Jamshedji Road Vithalbai Patel Marg Linking Road N Subhash Bose Marg Marine Lines Street Sir Dinshaw Mulla Marg Medows Street Nagindas Master Marg Mayo Road Bhaurao Patil Marg Masjid Bunder Road Yusuf Meherali Marg Military Road Jawaharlal Nehru Marg Marine Drive Netaji Subhash Marg New Queens Road Mama Permanand Marg Napeansea Road Jagmohandas Marg Parsee Bazar Street Syed Abdullah Brelvi Marg Parel Groves Gate Road Samaldas Gandhi Marg Portuguese Road Raosaheb S K Bole Marg Peddar Road Dr Deshmukh Road Pali Danda Marg Ambedkar Marg Queens Road Maharshi Karve Marg Ridge Road Bal Gangadhar Kher Marg Rampat Road Khushroo Dubash Marg Sandhurst Road S V Patel Marg Sion Circle M Laxmibai Chowk Tardeo Road Jawjee Dadaji Marg Tulsi Pipe Road Senapati Bapat Marg Thakurdwar Road Dr Jaykar Marg Victoria Road Sant Savtamali Road Victoria Gardens Jijamata Bhonsle Udyan Warden Road Bulabai Desai Road Worli Road Vir Savarkar Marg Wittet Road & Fort Street Walchand Hirachand Marg Waudby Road Hajarimal Somani Marg [3]Agiary Lane. (From Borah Bazaar to Mint Road.)Named after an Agiary, or Fire Temple, of the Parsis knowji as Maneckji Seth Agiary,built by Maneckji Nowroji Sett 1748), the owner of Nowroji Hill, in 1733 {vide Bombay Bahar,by Wacha, p. 445). Rebuilt 1891. (Parsi Dharmasthal by Pat p. 8, also p. 364 ; and da Cunlia, p. 297.)[4]Agiary Lane. {From Sheikh Memon Street to DhunjiStreet.). Named after an Agiary, or Fire Temple, of the Parsis known as Kappawala's Agiary,first consecrated in 1857 by Shapurji Kappawala's (1777-1856) daughter in memory of her father and according to his testament. (Parsi Dharmasthal, p. 146.)[5]2nd Agiary Lane. {From Sheikh Memon Street to Dhanji Street.)Named after an Agiary, or Fire Temple, of the Parsis known as Muncherji Bomanji Seth's Agiary. It was founded in 1796 byhis son, Sohrabji Manockji Seth (Parsi Prakash, I. 81) ; and was rebuilt in 1822 by the heirs of Mr. Sohrabji Manockji Sethand again in 1896 by Mr. Framji Hormusji Seth and other trustees. This Muncherji Seth was connected with the Seth family, the owners of Nowroji Hill and builders of the Agiary in the Fort known as Maneckji Seth's Agiary. {Vide supra Agiary Lane.[6]Agiary Street. {Bhendy Bazaar.)Named after an Agiary, or Fire Temple, of the Parsis knownas Mewawala Agiary,which was first consecrated in 1851 by Bomanji Mewawala in memory of his son, Sorabji, who had diedin the previous year. ' Mewa ' means fruit, and this Parsi had made his money by selling dried fruits. This Agiary was removed in 1914 to Connaught Road, Byculla.[7]Agripada." Such names as Nagpada and Agripada are obviously of Dravidian origin, pada or padu being the ordinary Kanareseword for a hamlet." (Bombay City Gazetteer, I. 144.)The district, now developed by the Improvement Trust, seems once to have been occupied by Agris or cultivators. There are three sub-divisions or classes of Agris in Bombay, viz :(a) Bhat Agris or rice cultivators,(b) Mitha Agris or salt manufacturersand(c) Bhaji-pala Agris or vegetable cultivators.The Gazetteer states that,according to the most widely known Marathi account,The First immigrants to Bombay in 1294 included seven families of Agris.The locality is also called after Hiraji Balaji, a former head-man of the Agris.[8]AhmedABAD Street. (From Argyle Road to Frere Road.)This road, which was constructed by the Bombay Port Trust and handed over to the Municipality in June, 1883, is named after the City of Ahmedabad in Gujarat. The streets over a considerable part of the Port Trust property have been named after towns in Western India.[9]Akalkot Lane No. 1. (blind lane from Kandewadi Lane.)About forty or fifty years ago there lived at Akalkot a holy saint who was believed by some to be a favourite devotee of the god Dattatraya, and by others to be an incarnation of Datta(Trinity) himself. He was famous for his powers of healing thesick and giving to his devotees the objects of their desires.After his death several' persons who were his disciples and who had been given by him some prasad or mark of favour such as paduka, or wooden shoes, or betelnuts, or cocoanuts founded Maths, or shrines, in his honour in different places. One suchMath was founded in Kandewadi Cross Lane which from that time has been called Akalkot Lane. (Rao Bahadur P. B.Joshi.)[10]Albert Road. (From Chinchpokli Road to Ghorupdeo Road.)Named after the Albert Sassoon Mills situated on the Road. Sir Albert Abdullah David Sassoon, Bart. (1818-1896)son of David Sassoon, State Treasurer of Baghdad ; born there and educated in India, his father having first removed to Bushire'and then to Bombay, where he established a banking and mercantile house ; head of the firm in 1864 ; made many hand some donations to Bombay, including the Sassoon Wet Dock at Colaba ; settled in England ; made a Baronet 1890 ; died 1896.
[11] Alexandra Road. (Gamdevi, — !. T. Scheme IV. Road 4, 1911.)[laurels]Because of the description of the trees ; Alexandra laurels âre planted by the Improvement Trust along this road.A LAUREL TREE[12]Altamont Road. (A blind road from Hermitage Pass.), Named after a Bungalow called " Altamont." According to Douglas (Glimpses of Bombay, p. 47) it let in 1865 for Rs. 1,000 a month. The steepness of the road and the height of the hill suggest that the origin of the name is to be found in mere geographical peculiarities — " high hill road." It would be more romantic if one could trace some connexion with that Colonel Altamont " with very black hair and whiskers, dyed evidentlywith the purple of Tyre," who was in the service of the " Nawab of Lucknow " and who appears' a sad rascal in the pages of Pendennis.[13]Ambroli. (Girgaum.) [fig tree]" It was on the 29th March 1832 that the germ of what became the General Assembly's institution was established as the Ambrolie English School, connected with the Scottish Mission."[THE FIRST GIRLS SCHOOL OF BOMBAY-ST COLUMBA 1832](Life of John Wilson, by Dr. G. Smith, p. 78.) Rao Bahadur P. B. Joshi writes : — •" I am of opinion that the name is a corruption from the old name of the locality. It appears to be derived from umhar, a fig tree (ficus glomerata)and ali, a lane. So the original name appears to have been Umbarali or Umbrali. There are other instances of the name. For example the village near Sopara in the Bassein taluka of the Thana district is called Umbrali. Ambra is Sanskrit for the mango, and native Christians may have changed Umbrali into Ambrali or Ambroli."[14]Anandwady. {A blind lane from Cathedral Street.)Named after a Hermitage of a holy Hindu saint byname " Anant-Rishi."[15]Annesley Road. {A blind lane from Lamington Road to B. B.& C.I. Railway.)Perhaps named after General Annesley who commanded the Bombay District about 1880.[16]Anstey Road. (A blind road from Altamont Road.)Named after Mr. T. C. Anstey, who lived there. Thomas Chisholm Anstey (1816-73) was for long a well-known figure at the bar of Bombay. He had a very chequered career having been a professor of law, a Member of Parliament (1847-52), and Attorney-General at Hongkong. Anstey was somewhat,eccentric and led the life of a recluse, though in his profession he was very successful. Douglas, who gives an account of Anstey in " Bombay and Western India " (Vol. I., p. 234) says : " Punch has immortalised him. He recommended that the annual search for a Gunpowder Plot, in the vaults of the House of Commons, should be abandoned, as T. C. A., M.P., was wet blanket enough for any conflagration." [17]Antop Hill.Rao Bahadur P. B. Joshi writes : " The name of this hill, like the names of Babulnath hill, Nowroji's hill, appears to have been given from the name of the Hindu or Portuguese owner or proprietor of the hill. It may be either from Antone or Antoba. The former according to the rules of the phonetic changes of the Prakrit language is not plausible because the fuial "n" cannot be changed into p. The name Antop is therefore derived from the name Antoba or Antob, the final "b" being pronounced as p. The hill was Antob's hill and must have been so called and the name appears to have been corrupted into Antop either by Portu-guese or English writers. Antoba or Antob is a popular and common name among the old Hindu residents of Bombay, and a late Assistant Secretary to Bombay Government was calledN. Antoba. He was an old Hindu resident and landed pro-prietor and possessed properties at Girgaum, Varli, etc."[18]Apollo Bandar. AND Apollo Street. {From Elphinstone Circle to Colaba Causeway.)"The origin of Apollo (Bandar) is still undetermined. In Aungier's agreement (1672-74) it appears as Polo, while in 1743 it is written Pallo ; and the original form of these words is variously stated to have been Palva (a large war- vessel) and Pallav (a cluster uf sprouts or shoots). A fourth derivation is from Padao (small trading-vessel) known to Bombay residents of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as the class of vessels chiefly used by the Malabar Pirates. Of the four derivatives that from Pallav is perhaps the most plausible.' (Bombay Cit* Gazetteer, I. 25.) Maclean's Guide to Bombay quotes the following derivation by Sir M. Westropp : " Polo, a corruption of Palwa, derived from Pal, which, inter alia, means a fighting vessel, by which kind of craft the locality was probably frequented. From Palwa or Palwar, the bunder now called Apollo is supposed to take its name. In the memorial of a grant of land, dated 5th December 1743, by Government to Essa Motra, in exchange for land taken from him as site for part of the fort walls, the pakhade in question is called Pallo." (Naorojee Beramji v. Rogers. High Court Reports. Vol. IV. Part I.)According to a letter to the Municipality, published in The Times of India, 23rd March 1916, part of Apollo Street is known to the residents as " Dust Locality." Apollo Bandar is inscribed Wellington Pier. {q. v.)[19]Arab Lane. (From Grant Road to Bapty Road.)Probably named after the Arab Pearl Merchants who live in this Lane. There is another explanation to be found in the story that an Arab ascetic, who pretended to possess supernatural powers, put up in this lane about forty-five years ago, and the lane was called after him. This Arab was befriended by several prominent people, one of whom, being childless, was said tohave faith in this man who promised him children.[20]Ardesir Dady Street. (From Girgaum Bach Road to Falkland Road.)Named after a rich Parsi gentleman Mr. Ardesir Dady Seth (1757-1810), a banker, much respected in his own as well as other communities. Sir Bartle Frere said that Duncan, the Governor of Bombay, caused the Cathedral bell to be tolled as his funeral passed by as a mark of respect from the ruling community. (Frere 's Speeches, p. 320.) He also built Dady Seth's Agiary in Hornby Road, Fort,Dady Seth's Agiaryand his father Dady Nasserwanji (1735- 1799) built Dady Seth's Fire Temple in Phanaswadi.[21]Argyle Road. (Known as Mandvi-Carnac Bandar.)constructed by the Bombay Port Trust and handed over to the Municipality in two portions, one on 30th June, 1883 and the other on 18th July, 1891. Named after the eighth Duke of Argyle (1823-1900) who was Secretary of State for India 1868-74.[22]Armenian Lane. (From Tamarind Lane to Esplanade Road.)Named after an Armenian Church situated in Medows Street close by, which was erected by the early Armenians at the end of the eighteenth century. The Armenians " resided mostly within the Fort enclosure, where they have left the legacy of their name to the Armenian Lane." (Da Cunha, p. 294.)[22]Armenian Lane. (From Tamarind Lane to Esplanade Road.) Named after an Armenian Church situated in Medows Street close by, which was erected by the early Armenians at the end of the eighteenth century. The Armenians " resided mostly within the Fort enclosure, where they have left the legacy of their name to the Armenian Lane." (Da Cunha, p. 294.)[23]Arthur Road. (Bellasis Bridge to Parel CHawl Road.)Arthur Bandar Road. (From Colaba Road to Cotton Green.) Both the above are named after Sir George Arthur, Bart.,Governor of Bombay, 1842-46. He was born in 1784 and entered the army in 1804. Served in Italy, Egypt, Sicily, and the Walcheren expedition. Was successively Lieutenaat-Govemor of British Honduras, Lieutenant-Governor of Van Diemen's Land,- and Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada before coming to Bombay. Baronet 1841. Lieutenant-General and Colonel of the 50th Regiment. Died 1854.[24]Arthur Crawford Market. (West of junction of Hornby Road and Carnac Road.)Arthur Crawford, the first Municipal Commissioner (1865-1871)The first part of it was opened in 1868, and the rest in 1869. " At a meeting held on 26th April 1868, on the motion of Dossahoy Framji, Esq., seconded by Captain Hancock, Mr. Crawford's name was associated with the Esplanade Market." (Michael: History of the Municipal Corporation, p. 480.) A marble tablet on the north wall of the building bears the following inscription : " The Arthur Crawford Municipal Market, erected 1868 on the initiation of Arthur Travers Crawford, C.M.G., I.C.S., Municipal Commissioner of the Citv of Bombay, 1865-1871."Mr. Crawford (1835-1911) took a leading part in improving Bombay.[25]Ash Lane. {Esplanade Road to Medows Street.)This and its neighbour Oak Lane are not easily to be explained. Ash may have been a man and Oak, unusual as a name, mayhave been given as a twin -name. Dean Lane in the vicinity 1S another subject for guess-work.[26]Assembly Lane. (A blind lane from Ardesir Dady Street.)Named after a building in occupation of Christian Missionaries who used to assemble there, called Free General Assembly's Institution. This institution is otherwise known as Dr. Wilson's School from the famous Dr. Wilson (1804-75) who founded it and was for long its principal.[It was inaugurated as the General Assembly's Institution. It was later renamed as Wilson College.Being the oldest college in Mumbai(Bombay), it precedes the University of Bombay. It got affiliated to the University of Bombay in 1861. It was built simultaneous with Bombay Scottish School, Mahim.] ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Wilson College the legacy continues......as an educational institution going back to 1832. It began as Ambrolie School in Girgaum, later seeing several changes of sites and names, eventually being called Wilson School. A collegiate section from which Wilson College evolved in 1836.The founder of these institutions was the Rev. John Wilson D.D., F.R.S. of the Scottish Missionary Society. John and his wife Margaret arrived in Bombay on February 14,1829, learnt the local language and with great zeal set up schools for boys and girls of all castes and classes.------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------life of REV.John wilson D D FRS THE FOUNDER OF WILSONS COLLEGE:READ ON LINE:-http://archive.org/stream/lifeofjohnwils00smit#page/n9/mode/2up REV.JOHN WILSON DD FRS THE FOUNDER OF WILSON'S COLLEGE ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The Reverend Dr. Dugald Mackichan:-http://www.mackichanhall.com/history.htm ==================================================================================
http://archive.org/stream/bombayplacenames00sheprich#page
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Bombay place-names and street-namesOn openlibrary.org ===============================================
Bombay place-names and street-namesOn openlibrary.org
BOMBAY STREET NAMES[OLD] --[2ND] FROM-- ATTAR STREET TO Attar Street. (East of Parel Road, BHendi Bazaar.)So called from there having been shops of perfume sellers in the locality.
The word is the Arabic itr, perfume.
From this is derived attar, a perfume. Hobson-Jobson quotes the analogous Via Latterini in Palermo, and the Atarin in Fez. Babula Tank Eoad. (From Jail Road East to Parel Road.) Babula Tank called after the babul or acacia arabica.
(Campbell, III, 595.)
The tree in question is a thorny mimosa common in most parts of India except the Malabar Coast. (See Hobson Jobson.) The tank of this name formerly existed by this road,but a great portion of it was filled up in 1907. This is one of the many tree -derivations which are disputed. Mr. Karkaria maintains that the tank is called after a man named Babula who lived in the vicinity. (See also Babulnath.) Babulnath Koad. (From Chaupati to Chaupati Road.) Constructed by the P. W. D. for the City Improvement Trust and handed over to the Municipality on the 30th June 1901. Named after the Hindu Temple of Shiva called Babulnath which is on a hill close by. Mr. R. P. Karkaria states that " babul " in this connexion has nothing to do with the acacia arabica tree, but the temple is called Babulnath after * Babul ' the Hindu carpenter who first consecrated the ' ling ' of Shiva here. Babul nath is like many other names of deities in Bombay
and else where eponymous of its consecrator Babul. This information about title name of the carpenter Babul was confirmed by way of inquiries on the spot from temple people. It is also, to be found in K. Raghunathji's " Hindu Temples of Bombay," No. 89, p. 38.Rao Bahadur P. B. Joshi states that the temple was named Babulnath because the
expenses of the consecration of the ling of Shiva were borne by a Somavanshi Kshatriya named Babalji Hirji Nath. It means God, and therefore the temple deity was
called Babul Nath, or the god of Babul, by the Yajurvedi Brah
mans who consecrated it.
Bakehouse Lane. (From Forbes Street to Rampart Row.)
Named after a Government Bakery that existed here.
Bala Mia's Gullee. {From Lady Jamsetji Road to Mogal Gully.)
OLD STREET NAME IN MUMBAI NEW STREET NAME Apollo Pier Road Chhatrapati Shivaji Marg Aurther Road Sane Guruji Marg Apollo Street Bombay Samachar Marg Andheri Versova Road Jaiprakash Marg Azad Road Veer M Manekar Marg Andheri Kurla Road Sir Mathuradas V Marg Argyle (Part) Sant Tukaram Marg Bhatia Baug (V T) Nagar Chowk Ballard Road Shoorjee Vallabhdas Marg Bastian Road Amrit Keshav Naik Marg Bazar Gate Street Perin Nariman Street Bellasis Road Jehangir Behram Road Bombay Agra Road Lal Bhadur Shastri Marg Bruce Street Homi Modi Street Carnac Road Lokmanya Tilak Marg Cadell Road Veer Savarkar Marg Cruickshank Road Mahapalika Marg Carnegy Road Nathibai Thackersey Road Central Avenue Marg Swami Dayanand Marg Charni Road Rammohan Roy Marg Chakala Street Sherif Devji Street Churchgate Street Veer Nariman Marg Clark Road Keshavrao Khadye Marg Duncan Road Maulana Azad Marg Dougal Road Narottam Morarji Marg Delisle Roa N M Joshi Marg Dadar M Road (North) Dadasaheb Falke Marg Dhobi Talao K Vasudeo B Fadke Choke Dugall Road Narottam Morarji Marg Eliphistone Circle Mahatma Gandhi Marg Explanade Road P D Mello Marg Frere Road (Part) Ganpatrao Kadam Marg Fergusson Road General Bhonsle Marg Foreshore Road Shahid Bhagat Singh Marg Flora Fountain Hutatma Chowk Forbes Street Dr V B Gandhi Marg Foras Road R S Nimbkar Marg Fort Street Walchand Hirachand Road Girgaum Road J Shankarseth Road Ghodbunder Road S Vivekanand Marg Grant Road M Shuakat Ali Road Graham Road J N Herdia Marg Gowalia Tank Road August Kranti Marg Ghatkopar Mohul Road R Chembulkar Marg Homby Road Dr Dadabhai Nawrojee Marg Horby Road Lala Lajpat Rai Marg Huges Road Nayaymurti L Patkar Marg Harvey Road Pandit Ramabai Marg Haji Ali Chowk Vatsala Bai Desai Chowk Home Street Charanjit Rai Marg Hanes Street Dr E Moses Marg Harkness Street Jamnadas Mehta Road Jacob Circle Gadge Maharaj Chowk Juhu Lane C D Barfiwala Marg Kings Circle Maheshwari Udyan Lamington Road Dr A Nair Road Lohar Street K M Sharma Road Lohar Street N C Kelkar Marg Lady Jamshedji Road Vithalbai Patel Marg Linking Road N Subhash Bose Marg Marine Lines Street Sir Dinshaw Mulla Marg Medows Street Nagindas Master Marg Mayo Road Bhaurao Patil Marg Masjid Bunder Road Yusuf Meherali Marg Military Road Jawaharlal Nehru Marg Marine Drive Netaji Subhash Marg New Queens Road Mama Permanand Marg Napeansea Road Jagmohandas Marg Parsee Bazar Street Syed Abdullah Brelvi Marg Parel Groves Gate Road Samaldas Gandhi Marg Portuguese Road Raosaheb S K Bole Marg Peddar Road Dr Deshmukh Road Pali Danda Marg Ambedkar Marg Queens Road Maharshi Karve Marg Ridge Road Bal Gangadhar Kher Marg Rampat Road Khushroo Dubash Marg Sandhurst Road S V Patel Marg Sion Circle M Laxmibai Chowk Tardeo Road Jawjee Dadaji Marg Tulsi Pipe Road Senapati Bapat Marg Thakurdwar Road Dr Jaykar Marg Victoria Road Sant Savtamali Road Victoria Gardens Jijamata Bhonsle Udyan Warden Road Bulabai Desai Road Worli Road Vir Savarkar Marg Wittet Road & Fort Street Walchand Hirachand Marg Waudby Road Hajarimal Somani Marg
Balaram Street. (From the junction of Falkland and Foras Roads to Grant Road.)
Named after Rao Bahadur Ellappa Balaram (died 1914) whose residence was on this road. He was born in 1850 at Colaba, where his father had come to stay some ten years before. His grand father and his father were known to the British army at Poona,
Bombay, Deesa and Karachi as suppliers of milk on a large scale. After his father's death Mr. Ellappa tried for some time to continue his ancestors' business ; but, after being initiated in the work of building contractors by Shet Nagu Sayaji, one of the well known contractors in the Telugu Community, he found that the business of milk supplying was not so lucrative. He therefore concentrated his whole energy on contractor's work and in the Bhandarwada reservoir work and fortification works at Colaba and Mahaluxmi his capacity came into evidence and he succeeded in establishing his reputation as a first class building contractor. (Times of India, September 1914.)
Ballard Pier and Road. (From Mint Road and Frere Road Junction to a new road along seashore eastwards.)
Called after General J. A. Ballard, R.E., who was the first Chairman of the Bombay Port Trust, holding the post from June 1873 to May 1876. General John Alex Ballard (1830-80) was in the old Bombay engineers. He saw service in the Crimean war
and was at the siege of Sebastopol. He was also under Omar Pasha commanding a Turkish Brigade. He also served in the Indian Mutiny. He became Mint Master, Bombay, in 1861, and when the Port Trust was constituted in 1873, became BALLARD ESTATE MUMBAI
its President. He died on 2nd April 1880 near the battlefield of Thermopylae. He was the son of a Calcutta merchant (c/. Buckland Diet. Indian Biog., p. 24). Also a longer notice by Sir A. J. Arbuthnot in Diet. Nat. Biog. (2nd edition). Vol.
I., pp. 1005-6. Kinglake refers to Ballard's gallantry (Crimean War, Vol. I). There is a brass floor slab to his memory in the centre aisle of St. Thomas' Cathedral.
The name Ballard is said to be derived from ball, a white streak, a word of Celtic origin. It was used, according to Wyclif, by the little boys who unwisely called to an irritable prophet " stey up ballard " or as the Authorised Version says
" Go up, thou bald head." (2 Kings II. 23. quoted in Weekley's " The Romance of Names.")
Bamanjee Street. {From Bora Bazaar Street to Raghunath Dadaji and Gunhow Streets.)
Formerly known as Nanabhoy Bomanji Street, this very old lane is named after Nanabhoy Bomonji Seth, a noted landlord among Parsis in the latter half of the eighteenth century. He belonged to the well-known Seth family of the Parsis, and Now-
roji Hill, Mazagaon, was named after his uncle Nowrosji Rustomji Seth (1662-1732). The dates of Nanabhoy Bomonji are not known, but his signature occurs on various documents from 1748 — when he must have been at least 20 — to 1799. His
younger brother, Muncherji Bomonji Seth, died 8th August, 1799, aged 87.
BanAM (or Benham) Hall Lane. {From Girgaum Road to Girgaum Back Road.)
There was originally in this oart, which consisted of cocoanut and plantain trees, a single garden-house named Wan or Ban Mahal, meaning " the house in the wood " — ban or wan (wood) and mahal (house). Hence the lane came to be called Ban Mahal Lane. Mr. Acworth, Municipal Commissioner, 1890-95, receiving letters addressed from this lane, while on leave at home Adhere he resided in a house called " Benham " at Malvern, suggested its change of name from " Ban Mahal " house to " Benham Hall Lane " from his Malvern residence and that was adopted. (Facts supplied by rao Bahadur P. B. Joshi who lives in this lane.)
Banganga Road. (From Walkeshwar Road round the Tank.) *
Named after the tank bearing this name which is so called because the god Ram feeling thirsty is said to hava caused water to spring here by striking an arrow into the ground. Ban, arrow, Ganga, sacred water, (c/. for the legend about the Tank
and Temple K. Raghunathji's " Hindu Temples," M. 26, p. 3,
4, etc.)
Banian Road, (From Kika Street to Parel Road.)
From Bania or Vania, a Hindu trading caste
who have houses there. (For the caste of Vanias, vide Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. IX, Part I. Hindus of Gujarat, pp. 69-81, etc.)
Bank Street. (Elphinstone Circle to Custom House Road.)
Named after the Bank of Bombay
premises situated in this road. " In 1862, when the Elphinstone Circle scheme was brought forward the Bank took up land there and commenced the erection of the present building, which was completed, and to which the Bank was removed in 1866." (Bombay City Gazetteer, III p. 220.).
Bapty Road. {From Grant Road to Parel Road.)
Named after Mr. James Bapty, the former owner of a flour mill situated at the corner of the road at its junction with Falkland Road. Bapty owned a bakery which was formerly well known in Bombay for its bread and especially pastry. " Bapty's
Cakes " were long famous. Pearse succeeded to his business.
Bapu Hajam Street. {West of Parel Road, Bhendi Bazaar, near Pydhonie.)
So named after the house of Bapu Hajam, a Konkani Mussulman, who was a prominentmember of the Hajam, or barber, trade, and also practised circumcision among his
people.Hajam (Arabic) a barber : they act as surgeons also, and theirwomen as midwives and nurses. They are Sunnis. BAPU Khote Street. (Kalbadevi Road to Ersakine Road.) According to one informant it is named after a Mahomedan, Bapu Khote, who was a
famous barber and a Hakim. Another explanation is that it is named after a Konkani Mahomedan Khote, landowner, called Bapu, to whom this land once belonged. Bapu,
originally a Hindu name, has been adopted by Konkani Mahomedans. This street is
locally known as Jambuli Mohola, i.e., Jambul colour street, because it is occu-
pied by Mahomedan dyers and this jambul, or violet,
colour is conspicuous there among the dyed clothes exposed to dry. Barber Lane. (From Cawasji Patel Street to PitJia Street.) Mr. R. P. Karkaria in The Bombay Gazette, lib. October, 1907, expressed the view
that this lane was so called, because barber had houses in the locality, just as
Gola Lane is called after Golas who resided there. It was proposed in 1907 to change the name to Barbican Lane, but the proposal was not adopted. In 1915, another change was proposed and the subsequent discussion in the Municipality and the Press was carried on with no small display of acerbity. To begin with the Municipal Commissioner (Mr. P.R. Cadell, CLE.) wrote : ' I have the honour to state that certain persons living near Barber Lane in the Fort, have asked that that name should be altered. Although it is possible that the lane was originally named after a Police Officer, named Barber, and was not so called
because of its use by persons working as barbers, the latter origin is by a
natural process generally associated with the name. The lane itself has been
greatly widened and improved by Municipal action, and although it is not generally desirable to change a name simply because some people are dissatisfied with it,
yet in this case, as the highly respectable people who live in the houses abutting on the lane wish for a name more in consistence with its improved condition, I
think that their wish may be gratified. I have the honour to propose therefore with the sanction of the * Corporation that it be called " Bakhtawar " Street.
The word 1s Persian and Gujerati means fortunate and may be taken to convey the good fortune of the street in having such respectable people living near it and in
having been brought so prominrntly to the notice of the Corporation." Mr. V. A.
Dabholkar suggest6d the lane might be named Sukhia Street — after Dr. Sukhia, a
member of the Corporation. Sir Jamsetji Jejeebhoy advocated changing " Barber " into " Barbour " ; and Sir Dinshah Wacha,who deprecated changing historical names,
said members had humorously suggested different names ; but he did not know if the Corporation would relish his humour if he suggested that the street be called "
Bhadbhad Street," in consideration of the fact that so many loquacious persons
lived there. No alteration was as a fact made. From among many letters which subsequently appeared in The Times of India, two may be selected. Mr. R. D. Cooper wrote from 12th Lane, Khetwadi, that Barber Lane
was really known as Hajam Mohola, being a rendezvous of barbers (Arabic,hajam). " I think," he said, the " Policeman Barber " is a mythical personage invented for
the purpose of the debate.The probability is that it derives its source from '
Barbary ' as some of the Barbary pirates had their dens in the street. They were rich with their ill-gotten gains and some of them must have purchased some properties. Mr. H. Sibbald (aged 70) writing from Santa Cruz, turned the policeman into a doctor. He wrote : — " I joined the Customs in 1864. In those days it was an eyesore to
see a steamer in harbour. Once a month the boats came with mails, otherwise 200
to 300 sailing ships were in harbour. In those days there were two doctors for the shipping named Bolt and Reynolds, the former lived in the lane and the latter at
Colaba. About '66 Bolt left for England, and Barber took his house and place, Reynolds also went about that time, and Dr. McGregor took his place. In those days
doctors engaged to a ship got Rs. 100 a tidy sum — and filled their pockets soon and left. I think the street name must have been given about that
time by the Municipality, I am not certain, but this much I know that respectable people lived in that quarter and Dr. Barber was one of them." Mr. Karkaria remarks upon this theory : — " This doctor of 1866 could not possibly have given
his name to the lane, for the name Barber Lane is at least a generation older. I
have come across it in the files of The Bombay Gazette for 1839."
Bardan Street. {From DeSouza Street to Kazi Sayad Street.)
Named after the Gujarati word Bardan, meaning gunny bags,which are sold on this road. Formerly it was called Essaji haniji Street (c/. Note on Samuel Road).
Baroda Street. (From Carnac Siding Road to Frere Road.)Named after the city of Baroda. Barrack Street. {From Bazaar Gate Street to Mint Road.)
Named after military Barracks situated there. They were formerly known as the King's Barracks (the king being George III), because the Royal Troops, as
distinguished from the East India Company's, occupied them. Even now elderly
Indians call this Kin Burakh Gully, King Barrack Lane.
Barrow Road. {From Colaba Causeway to Merewether Road.)
This road was constructed by the Bombay Port Trust and handed over to the Municipality in 1897. It is named after Mr. H. W. Barrow, for some time head reporter of The Times of India, and subsequently from 1870 to 1898, Municipal Secretary
Bastion Road. {From Murzban Road to Theatre Road : constructed by the City Improvement Trust, and handed over to the Municipality on 18th August, 1904.)Several roads in the locality, are named after the old fortifications,
e.g., Ravelin Street. There were 8 Bastions, called respectively : — Prince's, Royal, Old Mandvi, Marlborough,Stanhope, Church, Moors and Banian. (Bombay Gazetteer
Materials Vol. 26, part 2, p. 286, etc.).
Battery Street. {From Apollo Pier to Lansdowne Road.)
Named after the Saluting Battery which was situated on this road until it was transferred to Middle Ground.Bawankhani Lane. {A blind lane from Chaupati Road.)
There may be an allusion to the residence of women of bad repute : bhairon in Marathi meaning women, usually prostitutes, devoted to service in a temple.
Bavankhandi literally means a large chawl of bavan, fifty-two, Idians or rooms.
There is a similar and well-lmown place of the same name in Poona City, after which this lane is most probably called. Bazaar Gate Street. (From Bori Bunder to Elphinstone Circle.)Named after one of the three Fort gates. It was situated at thE north end of the street, leading into the old Fort. This Gate had two smaller gates also, hence it was known to the natives as Tin Durwaza, or Three Gates. The gate was pulled down in 1862.
Bazaar Gullee. (From Mahim Bazaar Road to Maliim Bazaar Cross Road.)Named because of a general market close by. Beach Road. (From Colaha Road westward.) It runs close to the foreshore.
1826 VIEW OF COLABA
Beef Lane. (From Parsi Bazaar Street Westward.) Sir Dinshah Wacha writes : "It was so called because beef was sold here for the town barracks soldiery. I am not sure whether the kine were also slaughtered here. This lane is just opposite the Military Stores Lane, adjoining Graham's ofiice to
the north.VIEW FROM ESPLANADE TO COLABA IN DISTANCE 1850
At the east end of Military Stores Lane, you will notice the back part of
the married men's barracks, and a little beyond are the old Town Barracks and it
Is to be presumed that the military folk kept all military requirements near each other within easy distance. So the other military stores were all stored in that lane. The beef had to be supplied apart and could not be al- lowed to be in the same place as the other stores. The old Commissariat was also in Parsi Bazaar Street." Bell Lane. (From Esplanade Road to Medows Street.)
So named after Messrs. Bell &AND ; Co., who had offices there.Bellasis Road. (From Parel Road to Bellasis Bridge inclusive.) An inscription on the Bridge reads as follows : — '' A.D. 1863. This Bellasis Road was made in 1793 A.D. by the poor driven from the City of Surat in that year of famine, out of funds raised BOMBAY PLACE-NAMES. 31 by public subscription, and takes its name from Ma3or-G«n«ra| Bellasis under whose order it was constructed." ".,]3ellasis Road, tbe great drive towards Scandal-point at '^le'dch. Candy, is in the recollection of many now living a small straggling, uneven, jolting pathway, got up by General Bellasis ^ of the Artillery, to suit his convenience, as he lived in the proxi- mity of the famed Maha-Laxmi ; and from thence he was to be seen jogging in his native ghari drawn by a couple of oxen." (The MonthUj Miscellany of Western India, May, 1850.) There is a mural monument to Major-General John Bellasis and his wife in St. Thomas's Cathedral. On it he is described as com- manding officer of the forces and Colonel of the Regiment of Artillery on the Bombay establishment. Died, February 11, 1808, aged 64. General orders by Government, Bombay Castle, 16th Feb., 1808 : " It is with sincere concern that Government announce to th« Army the death of that very respectable oflB.cer, Major General John Bellasis, late Commanding Officer of the Forces, who departed this life, on Thursday, the 11th instant, suddenly, whilst he was in the meritorious discharge of his duties, presiding at the Military Board, thereby terminating a long course of zealous and faithful services." According to Mr. E. Weekley (" The Romance of Names," p. 142), Bellasis is a Norman name from bel assis — fairly situated. But the same writer in " Surnames " (p. 318) says there is a font-name Belle- Assez which is not uncommon in Middle English and would give the same result. A friend informs me that the motto of the family is Bel Assez, fair enough, and this is certainly a more complimentary derivation than bel-assis which might be inter- preted " well seated." Belvedere Road. {From Dockyard Road to Wari Bunder Road.) ^ This must be called after a once famous bungalow on Bhan- darwada hill. It was from that house that Sterne's Eliza (Mrs. Draper) eloped with a naval ofiicer. Bhai Jiwanji's Lane. (A blind lane from Girgaum Road.) Named after the owner of the oart, Mr. Bhai Jiwanji, who was Managing Clerk of Messrs. Crawford, Solicitors. He was a great book collector and had a valuable library which was dispersed after his death in 1906. He was well-to-do and possessed several properties in Bombay. 32 BOMBAY PLACE-NAMES. Bhajipala Street. {From Abdul Rehman Street to Memon- ^. wada Road.) Bhajipala, or vegetables, are sold here. Bhandari Street. {From Falkland Road to Bhandarwaha Street.) This street, as well as BnANDARWADA,is called after the Bhan- daris, or toddy -drawers, that resided there. Some of them pos- sessed houses and were reckoned among the old residents. Others came to Bombay from Malvan, Vingurla and other places, and settled in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. " The Bhandaris whose name is derived by some from the Sanskrit mandharak (a distiller) and by others from bhandar (a treasury) constitute one of the oldest communities in Bombay Island and are sub-divided into five classes — Sinde, Gaud, More. Kirpal, and Kitte or Kitre — which neither dine together nor intermarry." (Bombay City Gazetteer, I. 231.) Bhandup Street. {From Musjid Siding Road to Coorla Street ; Constructed hy the Bombay Poit Trust, and handed over to the Municipality on 30th June, 1883.) Named after the village of Bhandup situated on the G. I. P. Railway in the Thana District. Bhangwadi or 2nd Kolbhat. {A blind lane from Kalbadevi Road). " In this oart," says Rao Bahadur P. B. Joshi, " there were formerly afforded good facilities for persons who were accus- tomed to drinking Bhang. Several shops were opened by Guja- rati Brahmans for the preparation and sale of this drink. Vari- ous kinds of Bhang were prepared, such as Bhang mixed with' milk and sugar, and Bhang mixed with pounded almonds, cardamoms, saffron, and other spices. The prices ranged from half an anna to two annas per tola, or a bowlful. On Hindu holidays and fast days such as the Mahashivaratra, Mondays of the month of Shravan, etc., there was a great demand for this Bhang by the devotees of Shiva. It is believed to be sacred to Shiva and therefore people partook of it on days sacred to that god. It was also poured by way of Abhishek (holy sprinkling) on the ling of Shiva." BOMBAY PLACE-NAMES. 33 Bhang is the dried leaves and small stalks of hemp (i.e., Cannabis indica). The word is usually derived from Sanskrit,^ bhanga,, breaking, but Sir Richard Burton derives both it and the Arab Banj from the old Coptic Nibanj " meaning a preparation ot* hemp ; and there it is easy to recognise the Homeric Nepen- the." (Hobson-Jobson.) Bhasker Lane. {A blind lane from Cathedral Street.) Named after the father of Mr. Anandrao Bhasker, who was a Judge of the Small Cause Court, and who owned a large property here. Bhasker ji was a Prabhu by caste, and most of the houses around this locality and Bhuleshwar were owned by the Parbhus and the Yajurvedi Joshis till the middle of the nineteenth century. Bhaskar Bhau Lane. (Near Gamdevi.) This lane is called after Bhasker Bhau Mantri who possessed several houses in Gamdevi and other parts of Bombay. He belonged to the Somavanshi Pathare Community, and was a well known contractor in Bombay. Bhattia Bagh. (South of Victoria Terminus.) Sir Dinshah E. Wacha, otherwise " Sandy Seventy " in The Bombay Chronicle (April 9, 1915) says : — '"It was not till 1861, generally after 1864, that Malabar Hill began to be well popula- ted. The remaining population in the Fort, specially the north, was occupied by Parsi merchants and traders, the Kapole Banias, men of the rank and wealth of Mangaldas Nathoobhoy and Vurjivandas Madhowdas lived here and there in central town houses which still stand. Next were the wealthy Bhattias, who resided in Bazaar Gate Street and in Old Mody Street, lying parallel to the east, in the direction of Mody Bay. Goculdas Tejpal, Goculdas Liladhar Pasta, Khatao Makanji, Jivraj Baloo, Jairam Sewji and such occupied the Bazar Gate Street from the north end as far as the Parsi Agiary Street, south. In Holee Chukla also the population was Bhattia. This extended as far as Parsi Bazaar Street, near the end of Gola Lane. Generically it was known as ' Bhattia Wad.' The ' Bhattia Bag ' in Fort Street, now under renovation, was so called, because all along jts south side the Bhattia population greatly preponderated, when ^he 'bag' so called was first built in the latter part of the sixties." 34 BOMBAY PLACE-NAMES. ( ( When the Municipality undertook to lay out the Bagh, *" which had grown untidy and unsightly, in an orderly fashion various suggestions were made for its re -naming and j:\ May, 1917, it received the official designation Victoria S(^U4re. "The name," said The Times of India, " k obvious enough when one remembers that the Victoria Terminus is one of t^e boundaries of the area thus rechristened, but "square "<- is geometrically indefensible. " Place," which was originally suggested, would have done well if only we could acquire the habit of using it in the French sense which somehow does not fit in with the English pronunciation of the word. The Corporation cannot in any case be accused of coming to a decision without due consideration of the various names sug- gested. They have deliberately swept away the name of a quarter which is smaller in size than in historic interest, and, as our Calcutta correspondent pointed out in a letter which we published yesterday, it often happens that the name of a quarter or district is not attached to any street and is thus in danger of being obliterated. For many reasons that is to be regretted." Bhatwadi. (From Girgaum Road to Girgaum Bach Road.) There were formerly three Bhatwadis in Bombay. One of these has been now acquired by the City Improvement Trust (in 1911), and a new street is opened there. These three Bhat- wadis at one time formed one oart which was the property of one Bhat Vasudev Sankhedkar, a priest of the Somavanshi Pathares. It contained cocoanut, plantain, and guava trees. It was subse- quently divided into three parts after it had passed into different hands. Till the year 1884, the 2nd Bhatwadi was known as Ganesh Ramji's Wadi owing to the fact that most of the houses'^ there were owned by Ganesh Ramji, head surveyor to the Col- lector of Bombay. Bhantaz Gully. (Fro^n Portuguese Church, Chiniwadi.) Bhavnagar Street. (Behind Memonwada Street.) So called because the inhabitants are Memons from Bhavnagar in Kathiawar. The Memons in Bombay mostly come from BOMBAY PLACE-NAMES. 35 > 3 Cutch, Halar, Dholka in Ahmedabad Collectorate, Bhavnagar, Bhuj and Verawal in Kathiawad, and are accordingly called'^ CutCc]i3, Halai, Dholka, etc., Memons. (c/. Bhujvari Street), BjiENDY Bazaar. (See under Parel Road.) 3HIMPARA Street. (In Mandvi Koliwada.) > Named after a Koli called Bhim, who was formerly headman of the Kolis there. The name Bhim originally belonged to a god of the Hindu Pantheon, who corresponds to the classical Hercules. In the guise of Bhim Raja, Bhimdev, or Raja Bimb it ap- pears as the name of the chief who ruled over Mahim in Bombay and Salsette subsequent to the epoch of Silahara rule (vide Bombay City Gazetteer.) Bhisti Street. (East of Bhendi Bazaar.) So called because Bhisti Mussulmans are the chief inhabitants. Bhistis are water carriers. The word is commonly derived from the Persian bihishti, a person of hihisht or paradise, but the compilers of Hobson-Jobson fail to trace its history. Dr. Jivanji Jamsetji Modi questions that derivation and thinks it comes from the Gujarati word for " to wet." Bhoget Gully. (From Gopi Tank Gully No. 2 to Sorab Mill Gully.) Owes its name to the fact that a well-known Bhagat or Deval rashi (exorcist) once resided in its vicinity. 1st Bhoiwada Lane. (From Kika Street to Bhuleshwar Street.) Named after Bhois (palanqum bearers) who inhabited the place. " Boy, a palanquin-bearer. From the name of the caste, Tel. and Mai. boyi. Tam. bovi.'' (Hobson-Jobson.) The whole land of the First, Second and Third Bhoiwada is a Fazandari tenure. The original Fazandars of all these three Bhoiwadas were Balambhat Javle and other descendants of Gamba Naik Javle, and that Naik who were granted by Gover- nors Sir John Childe (1687 A.D.) and Richard Bourchier (1755 A.D.) patents of rights as the chief hereditary priests and phy- sicians of Bombay. At present the Fazandars of the first and of the half of the 2nd Bhoiwada are the descendants of the said 36 BOMBAY 'place-names. (( ■' Gamba Naik and Vitlial Naik Javle. The Fazandari rights ^M)f half of the 2nd Bhoiwada, including the Bhuleshwar Market, and of the whole of the 3rd Bhoiwada are vested in Mr. Vinayakrao Sadanand Joshi, the present owner of ?ada- nand Joshi's oart and properties in Bombay. Bhujvari Street. (Memonwada.) The inhabitants are Memons from Bhuj in Cutch (cf. Bhav- nagar Street). Bhuleshwar Street. (From Kalbadevi Road to Girgaum.) " So called from the great temple and tank of Bhuleshwar." (Bombay City Gazetteer.) "Bholesvar is one of the epithets of Siva, Bhola meaning * simple ' hence he is called the Lord of the Simple. Others say that it was built by a rich Koli by name Bhola, who, having no progeny nor relatives of his own, spent his large fortune in the building of this temple, which bears his name. Another tradi- tion connects the temple with a Pardesi by name Bholanath, who built it whence the gcd is called by his name. Others say that the Pardesi was a mere porter of the temple." (Da Cunha, p. 61.) Rao Bahadur P.B. Joshi writes : — " The statement that Bho- leshwar is one of the epithets of Shiva is not accurate, because grammatically it would be wrong to form the compound Bho- leshwar from Bhola and Ishwar. Such compound would be considered a hybrid combination. The real origin of the name Bhuleshwar is from the name of the individual who built the temple and gave money for the consecration ceremony. Origi- nally the temple was built by a local Koli, or fisherman, who was . wealthy but had no progeny. His name was Bhula, or Bhulya, and so the God was called Bhuleshwar by the officiating priests who were the hereditary Yajurvedic Brahmans of Bombay. In Bombay, several other temples are similarly named after the person who built them."
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Bombay place-names and street-namesOn openlibrary.org
CLICK AND READ ON LINE:-http://archive.org/stream/bombayplacenames00sheprich#page/n3/mode/2uphttp://archive.org/stream/bombayplacenames00sheprich#page/n3/mode/2up
Bombay place-names and street-names; an excursion into the by-ways of the history of Bombay City (1917)
CLICK AND READ ON LINE:-http://archive.org/stream/bombayplacenamesOnnames00sheprich#page/n3/mode/2uphttp://archive.org/stream/bombayplacenames00sheprich#page/n3/mode/2up

Photograph of Elphinstone Circle in Bombay from the 'Lee-Warner Collection: 'Bombay Presidency. William Lee Warner C.S.' taken by an unknown photographer in the 1870s. Elphinstone Circle was laid out in 1869 on the site of the old Bombay Green in the Fort area of the city. The buildings were designed by James Scott as part of the redevelopment of Bombay which began under the Governorship of Sir Bartle Frere in the 1860s. Following Independence, the Circle was renamed Horniman Circle. This name refers to Benjamin Horniman, an English journalist. This view shows the gardens and fountain in the centre of
Elphinstone Circlewas laid out in 1869
Mumbai's first horse-drawn tram service opened on May 9, 1874, and ran from Colaba to Pydhonie via Crawford Market, and Bori Bunder to Pydhonie via Kalbadevi. The fare was three annas (15 paise pre-decimalisation) initially, but was reduced to two annas later that year. Tickets were issued to stop ticket-less travel.
St. Thomas Cathedral, Mumbai
| St Thomas Cathedral | |
|---|---|
| Cathedral Church of St Thomas the Apostle | |
![]() | |
| 18°55′54″N 72°50′1″E | |
| Location | Horniman Circle, Fort, South Mumbai, Maharashtra |
| Country | India |
| Denomination | Church of North India |
| History | |
| Consecrated | 1718 (300 years ago) & 1837 (renovation & expansion) Bombay, British India |
| Associated people | British East India Company Monarchy of Great Britain |
| Architecture | |
| Heritage designation | UNESCO Asia-Pacific Heritage Conservation Award |
| Groundbreaking | 1676 (340 years ago) |
| Completed | 1718 1837 (Enlarged) |
| Specifications | |
| Capacity | 1200+ |
St. Thomas Cathedral, Mumbai, is the 300-year old cathedral church of the Anglican Diocese of Mumbai of the Church of North India. It is named in honour of Saint Thomas the Apostle, who is believed to have first brought Christianity to India. The cathedral is located in Horniman Circle, the historic centre of Mumbai. It is in close proximity to famous Mumbai landmarks such as Flora Fountain and Bombay House. It is the oldest church in Mumbai[1] The Cathedral and John Connon School is run by the cathedral.
The foundation stone of the church was first laid in 1676, although the church was only finally consecrated for divine service 1718. It is the first Anglican church in Mumbai (then called Bombay), within the walls of the fortified British settlement. The cathedral is a landmark in South Mumbai and is one of the oldest churches in India. The Cathedral and John Connon School was created in 1860, in order to provide choristers to the church. It is used by the school for its Founder's Day Service on 14 November every year, Carol Service on the last day before the school's Christmas vacation and other special occasions.
The Churchgate railway station derives its name from the St. Thomas Cathedral, as the station was linked to the cathedral by a road leading through one of the three gates of the fortified island city of Mumbai.[2] The walls of the Bombay Fort were demolished in 1862 and the gate leading to the church was replaced by the Flora Fountain in 1864.[3]
History[edit]




The name of nearby Churchgate Station refers to this church. One of the gates in the fort which the East India Company had built to protect their settlement was the entrance to the St. Thomas Church. It was called Churchgate. That is why the whole area towards the west of the church is called "Churchgate" even today. The street leading to the church was originally called Churchgate Street and was later renamed like many streets in Bombay, and is now known as Veer Nariman Road.
The island of Bombay which was a Portuguese possession became a part of the dowry of the Portuguese princess Infanta Catherine of Braganza on her marriage to Charles II of England under the Anglo Portuguese treaty of June 1661. In 1668 King Charles transferred it to the East India Company for a loan of pounds Sterling 50,000 at 6% interest and with a rental of pounds Sterling 10 per annum.
Gerald Aungier was placed in charge of the British East India Company's newly acquired factories at Surat and Bombay, which had until then belonged to Portugal. As governor of Bombay from 1672 to 1677, Angier built a church, a hospital, a court of justice and other civic amenities on the English model, and fortified the company's commercial establishment.[4] The foundation stone for the church was laid in 1676, on Bombay Green, at the present site of the St. Thomas' Cathedral, but over 40 years elapsed before construction could be completed. Richard Cobbe, the chaplain, completed the construction of the building between 1715 and 1718. It was opened for divine service on Christmas Day 1718, and since then has served continuously as an Anglican place of worship.[5][6] However, in 1816 the church was dedicated to St. Thomas, the apostle, by Thomas Middleton, the first Bishop of Kolkata.[7]
The church was consecrated as a cathedral in July 1837 concurrent with the appointment of the first Bishop of Bombay, Thomas Carr. The tower and the clock at the western end were added in 1838. About 25 years later a major renovation scheme was launched to enlarge the chancel. This was completed by 1865.
King George V and Queen Mary attended divine service at the church in 1911 prior to their departure to the third Delhi Durbar held in the Coronation Park, Delhi. They occupied the chairs in the first row and the chairs have been preserved until now with names of the King and Queen written in brass plates.[8][9]
A fountain stands at the entrance of the church. It was financed by Parsi entrepreneur and philanthropist Cowasji Jehangir Readymoney. It was designed by George Gilbert Scott and installed in the 1870s.[10]
Memorials[edit]
The cathedral contains many carved stone memorials from the eras of Company rule in India and the British Raj. Significant among this number:
- Memorial to Thomas Carr: Recumbent effigy of Thomas Carr, First Bishop of Bombay by British sculptor Matthew Noble
- Memorial to officers and crew of steam ship Cleopatra: Cleopatra was a steam operated wooden paddle sloop that sank of the Malabar coast on 15 April 1847. The ship was transporting 100 convicts from Bombay to Singapore. The ship had a crew of 15i, including 9 officers. The plaque contains the names of te nine officers and mentions about the 142 other crew members, but there is no mention of the 100 odd convicts.[11]
- Memorial to Frederick Lewis Maitland: Maitland died on 30 November 1839 whilst at sea on board the Wellesley, off Bombay. He was buried at Bombay.
- Memorial to Captain Hardinge: Captain George Nicholas Hardinge was the captain of San Fiorenzo, which was involved in a small three-day (6-8 March 1808) but epic naval struggle against the French ship Piedmontaise, off the cost of Colombo, Ceylon. Hardigne died of a grapeshot wound, shortly before the French surrendered. His elaborate memorial was executed by John Bacon.[12]
- Memorial to John Campbell: John Campbell was Lieutenant-Colonel of the British army who took an active part in the Siege of Mangalore Fort and subsequent conflict with Tippoo Sultan. He died in Bombay on 23 March 1784 out of exhaustion. The marble memorial consists of life-sized figures of Death and Hope flanking an urn on a tall pedestal. It was designed by Charles Peart.[13]
Mumbai Zero Point[edit]
The cathedral marks colonial Bombay's point zero, the exact centre of the city. From the church 16 mile stones were laid out, leading to the north of the city. The milestone measured 4 feet in height but are submerged by the increasing road level. So far, 11 of the 16 milestones have been located.[3][14][15]
Present day[edit]
After completion of a major restoration work the cathedral was selected in 2004 for a UNESCO Asia-Pacific heritage conservation award.[16]
The current congregation at St. Thomas Cathedral is led by Rev. Avinash Rangayya.
Gallery[edit]
See also[edit]
Town Hall Bombay & Cotton Green - before Elphinstone Circle was built
The name Elphinstone circle was changed to Horniman circle post Independence in honour of Benjamin Horniman who was the editor of The Bombay Chronicle newspaper, A British who supported India's Independence and was the first to publish stories of Jallianwala Baug massacre which brought world attention to British atrocities in India.
Elphinstone Circle, Bombay, Mumbai, India 1860s
The Flora Fountain in Mumbai, India was built in 1864 by British colonial engineer James Forsythe. The fountain was named after the Roman goddess of flowers, Flora, and cost 47,000 rupees, or 9,000 pounds sterling, which was a large sum at the time. The fountain is made of Portland stone and depicts Flora and other mythological figures
Trams began operating in Mumbai in 1874, and the first tram, between Parel and Colaba, ran on May 9, 1874. The trams were initially horse-drawn, but electric engines replaced them in 1907. In 1920, double-deck trams appeared, and by 1935, there were 433 trams on 47 km of trackCOTTON MERCHANTS AT COTTON GREENcotton green early 19 th centuryAREA BEHIND ST THOMAS CATHEDRAL -USED FOR MILITARY TRAINING/MARCH PAST The cotton trade from Bombay increased in 1854 when a Parsi merchant established the first textile industry in the city. The industry grew to include four cotton factories by 1860


Bombay was an important port for exporting raw cotton to China and England from the early 19th century. The city's proximity to the western Indian black soil tract, where cotton was grown, made it easy for textile mills to get raw materials
The cotton trade from Bombay increased during the American Civil War when the United States' cotton exports decreased
How Cotton Remade the World
The Civil War cotton shock didn't just shake the American economy.
Continue to article contentThe American Civil War is one of the best-researched events in human history. Hundreds of historians have dedicated their professional careers to its study; thousands of articles and books have been published on its battles, politics and its cultural and social impact. Discussions of the war permeate everything from popular films to obscure academic conferences. Would we expect any less for a defining event in our history—an event that can persuasively be described as the second American Revolution? Certainly not.
Yet given all that attention, it is surprising that we have spent considerably less effort on understanding the war’s global implications, especially given how far-reaching they were: The war can easily be seen as one of the great watersheds of 19th-century global history. American cotton, the central raw material for all European economies (and also those of the northern states of the Union), suddenly disappeared from global markets. By the end of the war, even more consequentially, the world’s most important cotton cultivators, the enslaved workers of the American South, had attained their freedom, undermining one of the pillars on which the global economy had rested: slavery. The war thus amounted to a full-fledged crisis of global capitalism—and its resolution pointed to a fundamental reorganization of the world economy.
When we look at capitalism’s history, we usually look at industry, at cities and at wage workers. It is easy for us to forget that much of the change we associate with the emergence of modern capitalism took place in agriculture, in the countryside. With the rise of modern industry after the Industrial Revolution of the 1780s, the pressures on this countryside to supply raw materials, labor and markets increased tremendously. Since modern industry had its origins everywhere in the spinning and weaving of cotton, European and North American manufacturers quite suddenly demanded access to vastly increased quantities of raw cotton.
That cotton came almost exclusively from the slave plantations of the Americas—first from the West Indies and Brazil, then from the United States. When American cotton growers began to enter global markets in the 1790s after the revolution on Saint Domingue—once the world’s most important cotton-growing island—they quickly came to play an important, in fact dominant, role. Already in 1800, 25 percent of cotton landed in Liverpool (the world’s most important cotton port) originated from the American South. Twenty years later that number had increased to 59 percent, and in 1850 a full 72 percent of cotton imported to Britain was grown in the United States. U.S. cotton also accounted for 90 percent of total imports into France, 60 percent of those into the German lands and 92 percent of those shipped to Russia. American cotton captured world markets in a way that few raw material producers had before—or have since.
Planters in the United States dominated production of the world’s most important raw material because they possessed a key combination: plentiful land, recently taken from its native inhabitants, plentiful slave labor, made available by the declining tobacco agriculture of the upper South and access to European capital. European merchants’ earlier efforts to secure cotton crops from peasant producers in places such as Anatolia, India and Africa had failed, as local producers refused to focus on the mono-cultural production of cotton for export, and European merchants lacked the power to force them. It was for that reason that cotton mills and slave plantations had expanded in lockstep, and it was for that reason that the United States became important to the global economy for the first time.
Slave plantations were fundamentally different sites of production than peasant farms. On plantations, and only on plantations, owners could dominate all aspects of production: Once they had taken the land from its native inhabitants, they could force enslaved African-Americans to do the backbreaking labor of sowing, pruning and harvesting all that cotton. They could control that labor with unusual brutality, and could deploy and redeploy it without any constraints, lowering the costs of production. With the expansion of industrial capitalism, this strange form of capitalism expanded, and European capital in search of cotton flowed to the slave areas of the world in ever-greater quantities. This world was not characterized by contracts, the rule of law, wage labor, property rights or human freedom—but by the opposite—arbitrary rule, massive expropriations, coercion, slavery and unfathomable violence. I call this form of capitalism “war capitalism”; it flourished in parts of the United States and eventually resulted in civil war.
Slavery stood at the center of the most dynamic and far-reaching production complex in human history. Herman Merivale, British colonial bureaucrat, noted as much in 1839 when he observed that “the greater part of our cotton [is] raised by slaves,” and Manchester’s and Liverpool’s “opulence is as really owing to the toil and suffering of the negro, as if his hands had excavated their docks and fabricated their steam-engines.”
As the cotton industry of the world expanded, with spinning and weaving mills cropping up in fast-industrializing areas, the cotton-growing complex migrated ever further into the American West, to Alabama, Mississippi and eventually Texas, drawing on ever more slave labor. By 1830, one in 13 Americans grew cotton, one million people in total, nearly all of them enslaved. In one of the most violent episodes in American history, one million enslaved workers were uprooted and sold from the upper South into cotton growing states such as Mississippi, Alabama and Louisiana, where their labor fueled a vast profit-making machine. This machine enriched not just the plantation owners, but also merchants in New York and Boston and Liverpool, as well as manufacturers in Alsace, Lancashire and New England. Slavery in the United States had become central to the functioning of the global economy, as South Carolina cotton planter Sen. James Henry Hammond observed quite accurately when he argued, “Cotton is king.”
***
When war broke out in April of 1861, this global economic relationship collapsed. At first, the Confederacy hoped to force recognition from European powers by restricting the export of cotton. Once the South understood that this policy was bound to fail because European recognition of the Confederacy was not forthcoming, the Union blockaded southern trade for nearly four years. The “cotton famine,” as it came to be known, was the equivalent of Middle Eastern oil being removed from global markets in the 1870s. It was industrial capitalism’s first global raw materials crisis.
The effects were dramatic: In Europe, hundreds of thousands of workers lost employment, and social misery and social unrest spread through the textile cities of the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Belgium, the Netherlands and Russia. In Alsace, posters went up proclaiming: Du pain ou la mort. Bread or death. Since very little cotton had entered world markets from non-enslaved producers in the first 80 years after the Industrial Revolution, many observers were all but certain that the crisis of slavery, and with it of war capitalism, would lead to a fundamental and long-lasting crisis of industrial capitalism as well. Indeed, when Union Gen. John C. Frémont emancipated the first slaves in Missouri in the fall of 1861, the British journal The Economist worried that such a “fearful measure” might spread to other slaveholding states, “inflict[ing] utter ruin and universal desolation on those fertile territories” and also on the merchants of Boston and New York, “whose prosperity … has always been derived” to a large extent from slave labor.
Yet to the surprise of many, the American Civil War did not result in a permanent crisis of industrial capitalism, but instead in the emergence of a fundamentally new relationship between industry and the global countryside, one in which industry drew on peasant, not slave, produced cotton. Already during the war itself, determined European manufacturers and imperial statesmen opened up new sources for raw cotton in India, Brazil, Egypt and elsewhere. So rapid was the expansion in Egypt, for example, that Egyptian historians consider the American Civil War one of the most important events in their own 19th-century history. New infrastructures, new laws, new capital and new administrative capacities were pushed into the global countryside. Combined with rapidly rising prices for raw cotton, these changes resulted in a world where for the first time ever, peasant producers sold large quantities of raw cotton into world markets, preventing the total collapse of the European industry and connecting the countryside to the cities in ways that had never been seen before.
India provides a good example for these transformations. The British imperial government built railroads into the cotton-growing hinterland. It changed Indian contract law to enable merchants to advance capital to cultivators on the security of their crop and land. European merchants, who had until then played a subordinate role in trading Indian cotton, now moved into cotton-growing regions, advanced capital to growers and built steam-powered cotton gins and cotton presses. The newly invented telegraph enabled price information to travel quickly, and by the 1870s European manufacturers could order cotton from hinterland towns in India and have it delivered to their factories in just six weeks.
Indian cultivators, like those elsewhere, increasingly specialized in the production of cotton for export, moving away from their old domestic industry of cloth production, and replacing food crops with cotton. Many of them turned into sharecroppers, highly indebted to local merchants. This model also travelled to the American South in the wake of the Civil War, when freedpeople’s efforts to gain access to land failed just as much as the efforts of landowners to hire them as wage workers. As a result, in Alabama and Georgia, South Carolina and Mississippi, formerly enslaved cotton growers became sharecroppers and tenant farmers. Railroads pushed ever further into the American cotton-growing countryside, bringing with them a new generation of merchants and European and North American capital. So called “Black codes” and new laws regulating advances to sharecroppers attached freedpeople, and, increasingly, white yeoman farmers, to the global cotton empire.
Slavery might have been at the center of the European cotton industry for three generations, but by the last third of the 19th century the new strength of European and North American capital and state power (with its vast infrastructural, administrative, military and scientific might) paved the way for other forms of labor mobilization—solving what was, from the perspective of the Economist,, one of the core problems the world faced at the end of the American Civil War: “It is clear that the dark races must in some way or other be induced to obey white men willingly.”
So successful was the transition of slave labor into sharecropping and tenant farming during and after the war that cotton production actually expanded dramatically. By 1870, American cotton farmers surpassed their previous harvest high, set in 1860. By 1877, they regained and surpassed their pre-war market share in Great Britain. By 1880 they exported more cotton than they had in 1860. And, by 1891, sharecroppers, family farmers and plantation owners in the United States were growing twice as much cotton as in 1861.
As nation states became more central to the global cotton industry, and as the cotton industry remained important to European economies, European states increasingly also tried to capture and politically control their own cotton-growing territories. With the United States now an important—and eventually the most important—industrial power in the world, Europeans wanted to follow the United States model and control cotton growing territories of their own. Pushed by manufacturers concerned about the security of their cotton supply, European colonial powers embarked upon new cotton-growing projects. No one did so more successfully than Russia, which by 1900 already secured a significant share of its cotton needs from its colonial territories in Central Asia. The Germans followed suit in their western African colony of Togo; the British in Egypt, India and throughout Africa; and the French, Belgians and Portuguese in their respective African colonies. Even the Japanese built a small cotton-growing complex in their colony, Korea.
Along with this expansion of cotton agriculture, a new wave of violence descended upon large swaths of the global countryside, as colonial powers forced peasants to grow cotton for export. As late as the 1970s in Mozambique, a former Portuguese colony, the word cotton still evoked, according to two historians, “an almost automatic response: suffering.” Slavery may have disappeared from the empire of cotton, but violence and coercion continued. Moreover, the post-war reconstruction of the global cotton-growing countryside provided ever increasing quantities of ever cheaper cotton to industry, but at the same time created huge new risks for rural cultivators, as plunging prices and political repression brought extreme poverty. In India, in the late 19th century, millions of cotton growers starved to death because the crops they grew could not pay for the food they needed. The British medical journal The Lancet estimated that 19 million Indians died in the famines of the late 1890s, most of them cotton growers.
The American Civil War thus marked one of the most important turning points in the history of global capitalism. The last politically powerful group of cotton growers—the planters of the American South—were now marginalized in the global economy, a global economy newly dominated by its industrial actors. More importantly, slavery, which had been so central to the first 80 years of the expansion of a mechanized cotton growing industry—and thus to global capitalism—had ended. New ways of mobilizing the labor of rural cotton-growing cultivators—in the United States and elsewhere—had emerged. War capitalism’s core features—the violent appropriation of the labor of African slaves, the violent expropriation of territories in the Americas by frontier settlers and the violent domination of global trade by armed entrepreneurs—had been replaced by a new world in which states structured sharecropping regimes and wage labor, built infrastructures and penetrated new territories administratively, judicially and militarily. This industrial capitalism contained within itself the violent legacy of war capitalism, and was all too frequently characterized by significant degrees of coercion. Still, it was a fundamentally new moment in capitalism’s long history.
And while today the world’s cotton growing countryside has changed once more, it is still often characterized by extreme poverty, political repression and a powerful presence of the state. In many years, huge government subsidies keep American and European producers in business, while a semi-military unit of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army is perhaps the single most important producer of cotton in the world today. Children still are forced to harvest cotton in some parts of the world. Extreme poverty characterizes the cotton growing areas of western Africa. As many as 110 million households are involved in the growing of cotton worldwide, testifying to the continued importance of the countryside and of agriculture to global capitalism.
As this episode from the endlessly fascinating global history of cotton shows, the significance of the American Civil War went well beyond the borders of the United States, and indeed, can only be fully understood from a global vantage point. And the same applies to the history of capitalism. Only a global perspective allows us to understand how this vastly productive and often violent new system of economic activity came into being—and only a global perspective allows us to understand the origins of the modern world we live in.
Published• Jun 8, 20240
The Civil War cotton shock didn't just shake the American economy.
The American Civil War is one of the best-researched events in human history. Hundreds of historians have dedicated their professional careers to its study; thousands of articles and books have been published on its battles, politics and its cultural and social impact. Discussions of the war permeate everything from popular films to obscure academic conferences. Would we expect any less for a defining event in our history—an event that can persuasively be described as the second American Revolution? Certainly not.
Yet given all that attention, it is surprising that we have spent considerably less effort on understanding the war’s global implications, especially given how far-reaching they were: The war can easily be seen as one of the great watersheds of 19th-century global history. American cotton, the central raw material for all European economies (and also those of the northern states of the Union), suddenly disappeared from global markets. By the end of the war, even more consequentially, the world’s most important cotton cultivators, the enslaved workers of the American South, had attained their freedom, undermining one of the pillars on which the global economy had rested: slavery. The war thus amounted to a full-fledged crisis of global capitalism—and its resolution pointed to a fundamental reorganization of the world economy.
When we look at capitalism’s history, we usually look at industry, at cities and at wage workers. It is easy for us to forget that much of the change we associate with the emergence of modern capitalism took place in agriculture, in the countryside. With the rise of modern industry after the Industrial Revolution of the 1780s, the pressures on this countryside to supply raw materials, labor and markets increased tremendously. Since modern industry had its origins everywhere in the spinning and weaving of cotton, European and North American manufacturers quite suddenly demanded access to vastly increased quantities of raw cotton.
That cotton came almost exclusively from the slave plantations of the Americas—first from the West Indies and Brazil, then from the United States. When American cotton growers began to enter global markets in the 1790s after the revolution on Saint Domingue—once the world’s most important cotton-growing island—they quickly came to play an important, in fact dominant, role. Already in 1800, 25 percent of cotton landed in Liverpool (the world’s most important cotton port) originated from the American South. Twenty years later that number had increased to 59 percent, and in 1850 a full 72 percent of cotton imported to Britain was grown in the United States. U.S. cotton also accounted for 90 percent of total imports into France, 60 percent of those into the German lands and 92 percent of those shipped to Russia. American cotton captured world markets in a way that few raw material producers had before—or have since.
Planters in the United States dominated production of the world’s most important raw material because they possessed a key combination: plentiful land, recently taken from its native inhabitants, plentiful slave labor, made available by the declining tobacco agriculture of the upper South and access to European capital. European merchants’ earlier efforts to secure cotton crops from peasant producers in places such as Anatolia, India and Africa had failed, as local producers refused to focus on the mono-cultural production of cotton for export, and European merchants lacked the power to force them. It was for that reason that cotton mills and slave plantations had expanded in lockstep, and it was for that reason that the United States became important to the global economy for the first time.
Slave plantations were fundamentally different sites of production than peasant farms. On plantations, and only on plantations, owners could dominate all aspects of production: Once they had taken the land from its native inhabitants, they could force enslaved African-Americans to do the backbreaking labor of sowing, pruning and harvesting all that cotton. They could control that labor with unusual brutality, and could deploy and redeploy it without any constraints, lowering the costs of production. With the expansion of industrial capitalism, this strange form of capitalism expanded, and European capital in search of cotton flowed to the slave areas of the world in ever-greater quantities. This world was not characterized by contracts, the rule of law, wage labor, property rights or human freedom—but by the opposite—arbitrary rule, massive expropriations, coercion, slavery and unfathomable violence. I call this form of capitalism “war capitalism”; it flourished in parts of the United States and eventually resulted in civil war.
Slavery stood at the center of the most dynamic and far-reaching production complex in human history. Herman Merivale, British colonial bureaucrat, noted as much in 1839 when he observed that “the greater part of our cotton [is] raised by slaves,” and Manchester’s and Liverpool’s “opulence is as really owing to the toil and suffering of the negro, as if his hands had excavated their docks and fabricated their steam-engines.”
As the cotton industry of the world expanded, with spinning and weaving mills cropping up in fast-industrializing areas, the cotton-growing complex migrated ever further into the American West, to Alabama, Mississippi and eventually Texas, drawing on ever more slave labor. By 1830, one in 13 Americans grew cotton, one million people in total, nearly all of them enslaved. In one of the most violent episodes in American history, one million enslaved workers were uprooted and sold from the upper South into cotton growing states such as Mississippi, Alabama and Louisiana, where their labor fueled a vast profit-making machine. This machine enriched not just the plantation owners, but also merchants in New York and Boston and Liverpool, as well as manufacturers in Alsace, Lancashire and New England. Slavery in the United States had become central to the functioning of the global economy, as South Carolina cotton planter Sen. James Henry Hammond observed quite accurately when he argued, “Cotton is king.”
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When war broke out in April of 1861, this global economic relationship collapsed. At first, the Confederacy hoped to force recognition from European powers by restricting the export of cotton. Once the South understood that this policy was bound to fail because European recognition of the Confederacy was not forthcoming, the Union blockaded southern trade for nearly four years. The “cotton famine,” as it came to be known, was the equivalent of Middle Eastern oil being removed from global markets in the 1870s. It was industrial capitalism’s first global raw materials crisis.
The effects were dramatic: In Europe, hundreds of thousands of workers lost employment, and social misery and social unrest spread through the textile cities of the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Belgium, the Netherlands and Russia. In Alsace, posters went up proclaiming: Du pain ou la mort. Bread or death. Since very little cotton had entered world markets from non-enslaved producers in the first 80 years after the Industrial Revolution, many observers were all but certain that the crisis of slavery, and with it of war capitalism, would lead to a fundamental and long-lasting crisis of industrial capitalism as well. Indeed, when Union Gen. John C. Frémont emancipated the first slaves in Missouri in the fall of 1861, the British journal The Economist worried that such a “fearful measure” might spread to other slaveholding states, “inflict[ing] utter ruin and universal desolation on those fertile territories” and also on the merchants of Boston and New York, “whose prosperity … has always been derived” to a large extent from slave labor.
Yet to the surprise of many, the American Civil War did not result in a permanent crisis of industrial capitalism, but instead in the emergence of a fundamentally new relationship between industry and the global countryside, one in which industry drew on peasant, not slave, produced cotton. Already during the war itself, determined European manufacturers and imperial statesmen opened up new sources for raw cotton in India, Brazil, Egypt and elsewhere. So rapid was the expansion in Egypt, for example, that Egyptian historians consider the American Civil War one of the most important events in their own 19th-century history. New infrastructures, new laws, new capital and new administrative capacities were pushed into the global countryside. Combined with rapidly rising prices for raw cotton, these changes resulted in a world where for the first time ever, peasant producers sold large quantities of raw cotton into world markets, preventing the total collapse of the European industry and connecting the countryside to the cities in ways that had never been seen before.
India provides a good example for these transformations. The British imperial government built railroads into the cotton-growing hinterland. It changed Indian contract law to enable merchants to advance capital to cultivators on the security of their crop and land. European merchants, who had until then played a subordinate role in trading Indian cotton, now moved into cotton-growing regions, advanced capital to growers and built steam-powered cotton gins and cotton presses. The newly invented telegraph enabled price information to travel quickly, and by the 1870s European manufacturers could order cotton from hinterland towns in India and have it delivered to their factories in just six weeks.
Indian cultivators, like those elsewhere, increasingly specialized in the production of cotton for export, moving away from their old domestic industry of cloth production, and replacing food crops with cotton. Many of them turned into sharecroppers, highly indebted to local merchants. This model also travelled to the American South in the wake of the Civil War, when freedpeople’s efforts to gain access to land failed just as much as the efforts of landowners to hire them as wage workers. As a result, in Alabama and Georgia, South Carolina and Mississippi, formerly enslaved cotton growers became sharecroppers and tenant farmers. Railroads pushed ever further into the American cotton-growing countryside, bringing with them a new generation of merchants and European and North American capital. So called “Black codes” and new laws regulating advances to sharecroppers attached freedpeople, and, increasingly, white yeoman farmers, to the global cotton empire.
Slavery might have been at the center of the European cotton industry for three generations, but by the last third of the 19th century the new strength of European and North American capital and state power (with its vast infrastructural, administrative, military and scientific might) paved the way for other forms of labor mobilization—solving what was, from the perspective of the Economist,, one of the core problems the world faced at the end of the American Civil War: “It is clear that the dark races must in some way or other be induced to obey white men willingly.”
So successful was the transition of slave labor into sharecropping and tenant farming during and after the war that cotton production actually expanded dramatically. By 1870, American cotton farmers surpassed their previous harvest high, set in 1860. By 1877, they regained and surpassed their pre-war market share in Great Britain. By 1880 they exported more cotton than they had in 1860. And, by 1891, sharecroppers, family farmers and plantation owners in the United States were growing twice as much cotton as in 1861.
As nation states became more central to the global cotton industry, and as the cotton industry remained important to European economies, European states increasingly also tried to capture and politically control their own cotton-growing territories. With the United States now an important—and eventually the most important—industrial power in the world, Europeans wanted to follow the United States model and control cotton growing territories of their own. Pushed by manufacturers concerned about the security of their cotton supply, European colonial powers embarked upon new cotton-growing projects. No one did so more successfully than Russia, which by 1900 already secured a significant share of its cotton needs from its colonial territories in Central Asia. The Germans followed suit in their western African colony of Togo; the British in Egypt, India and throughout Africa; and the French, Belgians and Portuguese in their respective African colonies. Even the Japanese built a small cotton-growing complex in their colony, Korea.
Along with this expansion of cotton agriculture, a new wave of violence descended upon large swaths of the global countryside, as colonial powers forced peasants to grow cotton for export. As late as the 1970s in Mozambique, a former Portuguese colony, the word cotton still evoked, according to two historians, “an almost automatic response: suffering.” Slavery may have disappeared from the empire of cotton, but violence and coercion continued. Moreover, the post-war reconstruction of the global cotton-growing countryside provided ever increasing quantities of ever cheaper cotton to industry, but at the same time created huge new risks for rural cultivators, as plunging prices and political repression brought extreme poverty. In India, in the late 19th century, millions of cotton growers starved to death because the crops they grew could not pay for the food they needed. The British medical journal The Lancet estimated that 19 million Indians died in the famines of the late 1890s, most of them cotton growers.
The American Civil War thus marked one of the most important turning points in the history of global capitalism. The last politically powerful group of cotton growers—the planters of the American South—were now marginalized in the global economy, a global economy newly dominated by its industrial actors. More importantly, slavery, which had been so central to the first 80 years of the expansion of a mechanized cotton growing industry—and thus to global capitalism—had ended. New ways of mobilizing the labor of rural cotton-growing cultivators—in the United States and elsewhere—had emerged. War capitalism’s core features—the violent appropriation of the labor of African slaves, the violent expropriation of territories in the Americas by frontier settlers and the violent domination of global trade by armed entrepreneurs—had been replaced by a new world in which states structured sharecropping regimes and wage labor, built infrastructures and penetrated new territories administratively, judicially and militarily. This industrial capitalism contained within itself the violent legacy of war capitalism, and was all too frequently characterized by significant degrees of coercion. Still, it was a fundamentally new moment in capitalism’s long history.
And while today the world’s cotton growing countryside has changed once more, it is still often characterized by extreme poverty, political repression and a powerful presence of the state. In many years, huge government subsidies keep American and European producers in business, while a semi-military unit of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army is perhaps the single most important producer of cotton in the world today. Children still are forced to harvest cotton in some parts of the world. Extreme poverty characterizes the cotton growing areas of western Africa. As many as 110 million households are involved in the growing of cotton worldwide, testifying to the continued importance of the countryside and of agriculture to global capitalism.
As this episode from the endlessly fascinating global history of cotton shows, the significance of the American Civil War went well beyond the borders of the United States, and indeed, can only be fully understood from a global vantage point. And the same applies to the history of capitalism. Only a global perspective allows us to understand how this vastly productive and often violent new system of economic activity came into being—and only a global perspective allows us to understand the origins of the modern world we live in.

The Bobbery Hunt on the Bombay esplainad
Mumbai’s Kala Ghoda locality

An astonishing sight greets the tourist visiting Mumbai (formerly Bombay). Amongst all the grand Victorian buildings in the centre of town is a huge edifice visibly in the process of collapse. Large posters warn of its instability and yet incredibly it is still inhabited, not just by lawyers’ offices but also by families. One ventures inside at one’s peril to be greeted by an incredible scene of decrepitude and an array of electrical wiring of nightmarish danger.

A watercolour of the John Watson Building as planned. Click here to see a photograph of the watercolor with its frame and extensive caption, which reads as follows: "this building was designed in London for the late John Watson Esq. of Gelt Hall, Castlecarrock, by Messrs. Ordish & Le Febre C.C. (who also made the plans for the roof of St. Pancras station, London.) The material[s] for this building were wholly English, the iron frame from Derby, the bricks & cement from the banks of the Thames, the tiles from Stafffordshire and finally the red stone plynth and column bases from Penryth, Cumberland, and was [sic] conveyed from England to India by sailing ships vis [the] Cape of Good Hope in the year 1864-5 and erected on the Esplanade in the town of Bombay under the superintendence of the late Mr. Thomas Thompson of Wetheral. The design and mode of construction proved quite a success. Its dimensions are 190 feet long, 80 feet wide, 175 feet high. J.P.W.” Note however that the mansard roof shown here was never added. [This image is here reproduced with the permission of the Castle Carrock (Cumbria) webmaster.]

Left: Detail showing the iron frame of the hotel. Right: The arcade shows clearly the iron construction. [Click on images to enlarge them.]
In 1867 a traveller on a morning walk observed “something like a huge birdcage had risen like an exhalation from the earth”. He was witnessing the construction of the same building known variously as Esplanade Hotel and more usually just as Watsons’s.

Left: Watson's Hotel in the right foreground. Right: Watson's logo survives on a balcony. [Click on images to enlarge them.]
In “Bombay, the Cities within” the authors Sharada Dwivedi and Rahul Mehotra explain that “an enterprising Englishman John Watson gave the city its first large and well run hotel... At the government auction held in 1864 Watson successfully bid on a plot on the Esplanade... All the building materials for the handsome five storied cast iron frame structure were imported from England. The red stone plinth and the bases of the columns came directly from the town of Penrith in Cumberland, the county from which Watson hailed... A distinctive spatial feature of the building was an internal atrium around which were housed functions such as dining and shop”. Another was the arcade at street level.
A researcher in Watson’s native Cumbria provides more detail. “The hotel was built between 1867 and 1869. Its final design was by the civil engineer Rowland Mason Ordish, who was also connected to the design of the roof of St Pancras Station in London... as well as the Crystal Palace in London. Ordish was based in Derby and worked alongside the Phoenix Foundry.
Watson’s “boasted a sumptuous, top lit ground floor restaurant with attached billiard room, a first floor dining saloon (with another attached billiards room), and three upper storeys given over to 131 bedrooms and apartments, the uppermost of which were reserved for “bachelors and quasi single gentlemen”. With over 120 baths fitted, it outdid European levels of luxury. It was thoroughly ventilated throughout with a punkah wallah [a man-operating a fan] serving every room and it commanded breathtaking views across the harbours, bays and distant hills – and it boasted India’s first steam powered lift.”

Left: Esplanade Mansions warning notice.. Right: Lawyers offices in Esplanande Mansions. [Click on images to enlarge them.]
Watson’s decline began in the first decade of the 20th Century. The Taj Hotel trumped Watson’s both for luxury and location. When the King and Queen visited Bombay in 1911 the Times of India complained that "Their majesties will have to pass what we can only suppose is an experiment in garishness, Watson's Hotel, and that building is a good illustration of the dangers to which a sensitive public is exposed." In 1960 the hotel closed and the building became Esplanade Mansions. In 2005 it was nominated by World Monuments Fund as a building of architectural and cultural importance. The Fund’s website reports that “after the hotel closed in the 1960s, a private owner subdivided the building into residences and commercial spaces. More recently, tenancy laws have made it difficult for the owner to collect rents sufficient to maintain the building. After years of neglect, inappropriate additions, and minimum repairs, the cast iron structure is now failing; a portion of the building collapsed shortly after Watch listing”.
is flanked by several iconic buildings, but even among such stately facades as the National Gallery of Modern Art, Jehangir Art Gallery and Bombay High Court, Esplanade Mansion holds its own.
Bobbery Pack - A hunting pack made up of local dogs including hounds, terriers, lurchers, and sheepdogs.
It's confusing enough finding a hunt to attend and figuring out what to wear, let alone knowing what the traditional terms mean that are being shouted around you. Luckily, our handy guide highlights some common hunting terms and their meanings.
Autumn Hunting - The early part of the season, from around August to the beginning of the Main season.
Babbler or Babbling - A hound who speaks when it is not hunting.
“Beware hole” - A call for riders to be careful of potholes, rabbit holes, etc. whilst riding – often pronounced as “war ‘ole” (‘ware hole).
Biddable - Hounds are said to be ‘biddable’ when they are at their most responsive, e.g. after a check.
Bitch - A female hound. A “hot bitch” indicates a female hound that is in season.
Blank - The hunt draws a blank when they fail to find a scent from the area they were searching, so the covert can be said to be “blank”.
Bobbery Pack - A hunting pack made up of local dogs including hounds, terriers, lurchers, and sheepdogs.
Brock - A colloquial term for a badger.
Brush - A colloquial term for the tail of a fox.
Bye-day - An additional day of hunting not on the meet card.
Cap - The daily charge or donation from riders who do not usually subscribe to the hunt.
“Car please” - Shouted to tell followers to let a car through.
Casting - Hounds are cast to look for the line of the scent.
Charlie - Along with other names such as “Reynard” and “Tod”, the name that was often used instead of “fox”. It is thought to originate from the MP Charles James Fox.
Check - When hounds lose the scent temporarily.
Country - The land that a hunt is allowed to hunt on.
Couple - Hounds are counted in couples so, for example, 7 couple would be 14 hounds.
Covert - A wood or other area where a scent may be picked up.
Cry - see ‘speak’ (below).
Cur dog - A canine which is not a hound.
Dog - A male hound.
Drag - The artificial scent laid in drag hunting.
Draw - Putting hounds into an area and moving them through to try and find a scent.
Entered - An entered hound is one who has completed one or more hunting seasons.
Falconry - The keeping, training and / or sport of hunting with falcons or other birds of prey.
Feather or Feathering - When a hound is on the line but is uncertain, it will not speak and instead will wave or ‘feather’ its tail (stern) and move along the assumed line.
Field - The mounted followers.
Field Master - The Master in charge of leading the Field.
Foil - Smells or disturbed ground that spoil the line of scent.
“Gate please” - Called down the line to alert the last person to close a gate behind them.
Gather - When the Huntsman blows certain notes on the hunting horn to gather the hounds together or to signal the end of hunting for the day – to “blow the gather”.
“Good morning” - Used at the beginning of the day as a greeting, regardless of the time.
“Good night” - Used to say goodbye whenever going home, even if it’s 1pm!
Heel - Hounds are said to be hunting the heel line if they’re going the wrong way on the scent (the opposite direction).
“Hold hard” - Called by the Field Master to stop the Field immediately.
“Holloa” - Pronounced ‘holler’, it is a loud, high-pitched sound made to indicate the sighting of the quarry. It may be emphasised by the raising of a hat or arm, or replaced by a whistle.
Horn - Used by the huntsman to control and communicate with the hounds - e.g. to encourage them or call them back - or to signify the end of the day.
Hounds - All scent-hunting dogs are referred to as hounds.
“Hounds please” - To tell hunt followers to move out of the way.
Hunt Staff - Responsible for working the hounds (e.g. Huntsman, Whipper-in, etc.).
Huntsman - The rider who hunts/follows and controls the hounds.
“Kick on” - If a rider stops or makes way for a Master at a gate or jump and the Master says you may go on ahead.
Laid on - When hounds are introduced to a line.
Lawn Meet - Hosts provide refreshments at this sociable type of meet.
Line - The scent laid during trail-hunting.
“Loose horse” - Shouted if someone has fallen off and the horse is running away.
Made Worker - Refers to a hound or terrier that is so experienced it can be relied upon to do its job without further training.
Master - Person responsible for the running of the hunt and talking to landowners, planning the route, etc.
Meet - Where the hunt will meet before going out for the day.
Meet card - List of dates and times for each hunt meet.
Mixed pack - A pack consisting of male and female hounds.
Mute - A hound that hunts without speaking.
Opening meet - Start of formal hunting or the start of the “Main Season”.
Own - Hounds are said to ‘own the line’ when they pick up a scent.
Point to point - A day of racing over fences, organised by the hunt.
Puppy - A hound who is new to hunting that season - when weaned, young hounds will be sent off to hunt supporters to be raised, socialised and familiarised with livestock and other dogs so that they are well-behaved when hunting begins.
Ratcatcher - A tweed jacket, the official dress for mounted followers during Autumn Hunting and for visitors to a hunt.
Rate - When hounds are reprimanded when they stray from the pack or riot, etc. This can be accompanied by a whip cracking.
Riot - Hounds riot when they chase something they shouldn’t, e.g. a deer or a hare.
Season - The time period in which hunting takes place.
Speak - Hounds are said to speak, not bark, when following a scent.
Stern - A hound’s tail.
“Tally ho” - A term used by the Huntsman to encourage hounds on to a scent – “tally ho back” or “tally ho over” may be called by experienced members of a hunt to indicate the direction of the quarry.
Throw up – when hounds lose the line and check, they lift their heads and look around.
Trencher fed - Term used for hounds not looked after as a pack, but who live with individuals and are brought together for hunting days.
Whipper-in - Hunt staff who help control the hounds.
Now you know the basics, how do you get out there on the hunt?

Bobbery Hunt

Bobbery Hunt, November 1809

Bobbery Pack - A hunting pack made up of local dogs including hounds, terriers, lurchers, and sheepdogs.
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Mumbai’s Kala Ghoda locality is flanked by several iconic buildings, but even among such stately facades as the National Gallery of Modern Art, Jehangir Art Gallery and Bombay High Court, Esplanade Mansion holds its own.
The Bobbery Hunt on the Bombay esplainade
When Watson’s Hotel (Esplanade Mansion’s original name) opened in 1867; its 130 plush rooms and 20 suites were meant to cater exclusively to elite English guests — not Indians. In fact, the story goes that Jamshetji Tata came up with the idea for Mumbai’s Taj Mahal Hotel after he was denied entry in Watson’s.
After ten years of restoration, visionary Jamsetji Tata’s one-time residence, Esplanade House, stands like a splendid reminder of its legacy. Marvel at frames from an exclusive photo walk with its conservation architect Vikas Dilawari

Esplanade House

The cast iron and wood railing staircase is the centrepiece that connects the ground and first floors of the Esplanade House. Pics/Sameer Markande

Bay windows and curvilinear lead sheet chajjas make for an impressive blend of Indian and Western influences at the Esplanade House. It consists of two buildings, the main block facing the Esplanade ‘maidan’ and the annex on the rear side. The construction began in 1885, and was completed in 1887. It was based on designs by Jamsetji Tata and Mr Morris (of Gostling and Morris, a local firm).

Intricate stone carvings

The cast iron railing and teakwood grand staircase is the centrepiece of this residence. Seen in the frame is Fali P Sarkari, trustee, RD Sethna Scholarship Fund. The finest cast iron work can be seen at its main gate, staircase, indoor tympanums and the inter-connecting bridges.
How street names in Bombay came to be by Nihira

How street names in Bombay came to be
With the help of two rare and rather forgotten books, I did a cursory study of names of different spaces in Bombay. One book looks at the meanings of local names ordained to nooks and corners in Bombay. The other conducts a formal investigation into the official story of how this archipelago came to be.
My short onomasticical study threw up an assortment of interesting tidbits.
“In Bombay there are no finger posts to history,” writes Samuel Townsend Sheppard in a book named Bombay Place Names and Street Names. Published in 1917, the book is an archival process that documented what etymologically makes up Bombay. Not much is known about Samuel Sheppard. He does have another noteworthy book to his name, Byculla Club, 1833-1916: A History, which records how the suburban club for Bombay’s British residents was built and its eventual disintegration.
Sheppard tucks a litany of anecdotal and sourced bytes in Bombay Place Names and Street Names. Some of the most memorable are those that we can see around us till today; landmarks that reflect time in language. He walked the city streets with intention, with the knowledge that even a moniker scribbled somewhere can unfurl hidden pasts.
Early traders and merchants come up aplenty. The infamous Parsi neighbourhood of Batliwala Mohalla is dedicated in parlance to merchant and philanthropist Jamshed Jeejabhoy’s uncle, Framjee Batliwala whom he lived with after his parents’ passing.
Near the Mohalla in Crawford Market runs the popular Abdul Rehman Street which, according to Sheppard’s sources, was the mark of a Konkani Muslim man who owned vast swathes of land there in the 1700s.

The secret librarian
While Arthur Crawford, the first Municipal Commissioner of the Bombay Presidency, after whom Crawford Market is named, is prolific, little is known about his ‘Managing Clerk’ Bhai Jivan.
The book speaks of little known landmarks such as a dead-end road called Bhai Jivanji Lane which extends from Girgaum Road. Bhai Jivan was “a great book collector and had a valuable library which was dispersed after his death in 1906”.
Seeing that the Marathi Grantha Sanghralay was erected on the lane in 1898, we can presume that Jivanji, who “possessed several properties in Bombay”, would have had some semblance of a relationship with the public library.
Arabic connection to Bambai
Arab Lane can be found about two kilometres away from Bhai Jivanji Lane. A turn away from Grant Road’s popular Kabootar Khaana, Arab Lane was demarcated for the Arab pearl merchants living there at the time.
Fofalwadi on Bhuleshwar road also lingers with the residue of Arabic language. Fufal is the Arabic word for betel-nut, of which several areca catechu trees stand in the ward even today. This isn’t the only tree-inspired nomenclature in the slowly de-greening city. Umarkhadi, earlier a natural border between Mazgaon and Dongri, is a literal translation of ‘fig tree creek’ with fig trees having dotted the stream while Sheppard was alive.
What these signifiers make clear is that migration, both international and internal, has historically been critical to the landscape of Bombay.

Early migrations into Bombay
Towards the south of the island city is Ladiwady, a trail called so because of a Gujarati migrant caste group that self-identified with ‘Latdesh’ (an earlier name for Gujarat).
Even further south, Agripada utilizes the -pada suffix from “Kanarese” or Kannada which means hamlet. Sheppard writes that it takes ‘Agri’ from the caste of cultivators called Agris. He goes on to distinguish between three sub-divisions of Agris, rice cultivators (Bhat), salt manufacturers (Mitha), vegetable growers (Bhaji-pala). He also claims that “according to the most widely-known Marathi accounts”, the first migration to Bombay happened with seven connected families of Agris in 1294.
The seven islands grew rapidly in population, financial muscle, and diversity after the 13th century. Dynamic trading communities have left touchstones of their legacies, visible in parts even today. The most prominent impact on Bombay’s geography was that of the East India Company and the consequent reign of the British.
Also read: What’s common between Gateway of India, Kala Ghoda and Blue Synagogue?
Bombay – post-independence
Bombay: Story of the Island was published in 1949 by A. D. Pusalker and V. G. Dighe who were eminent historians. Pusalker was a scholar of mythology and ancient writings while Dighe’s specialization was of the Maratha empire and writings in Marathi.
Their book holds the zeal of a newly independent nation attempting to craft its own epic narrative.
The text makes for an interesting compendium to Sheppard’s Bombay Place Names and Street Names. Agripada, for instance, is mentioned under the reign of the Shilahara dynasty which ruled over parts of the Western coast prior to the 1300s. This could corroborate with Maharashtrian accounts of Agri ‘immigration’.
Pusalker and Dighe provide a comprehensive account of the ecological make-up and political conflicts across the city beginning from the 6th century and going up to the end of the 19th century.
Planned displacement was swiftly undertaken wherein “Koli houses on Dongri Hill were removed” in 1770; two years after which “an order was issued” reserving parts of Churchgate for only Europeans thus pushing the native populace northwards.
Of Bhuleshwar with the sweeping catechu trees, they write that it only saw serious growth after “the great fire of 1803” which demolished a third of southern Bombay. Parts of its port locales altered significantly with the construction of trading docks and the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869.
The book gives a glimpse of not only the evolution of an island but also of how it studied itself. Their information on Koli communities show that they are usually referred to as ‘original’ inhabitants because they “formed the most numerous class” on all seven islands. Several linguistic remnants such as Worli (after ‘Varli’ or banyan alley in the Koli language) attest to that even today.

Haphazard naming
The disparate sensations produced today when travelling from one end of Bombay to another is reflected in its haphazard naming. Caste names are often explicitly or implicitly designators for roads and neighbourhoods. The Maharashtra government recently endorsed a plan for removing caste-based locality or village names. One has to wonder how this extensive project can realistically pan out considering there are names which don’t immediately register as caste-based but are.
Ripon Road passes through an area known as Madanpura after an Allahabadi Muslim man, Madan, who owned land there and was from the hand-weaver caste of Julahas according to Sheppard. Back near Girgaum Road is a short lane called Mangelwadi labeled so for the fishing caste of Mangelas who lived there before Sheppard’s time.
Memonwada Road denotes the Memon Muslim converts “from Lohana and Cutch (Kachch) Bania castes” who arrived in Bombay in the beginning of the 19th century and established themselves as tailors. Pinjari Street, an extension of Abdul Rehman Street mentioned earlier, owes its title to the bow that cotton cleaners there used to clean cotton. Gola Lane, colloquially known as Golwad, found its name in its inhabitants of Golas, a tribal community residing in Gujarat and other parts of the Presidency. As per Sheppard’s research with the Bombay Gazette, Golas were forced predominantly into “rice pounding” work.
Sheppard navigates the complex dynamics these names point to casually. Perhaps he doesn’t fully realize their depth as an ‘outsider’ looking in. However, he definitely had enough knowledge to classify certain areas, such as Kamathipura, as populated by the ‘lowest’ of castes and others, like Lady Hardinge Road, by ‘respected’ families. Property ownership became one way of rising in value and wielding enough power to have a road etched in their memory. But homes of disempowered castes continued to be identified with their caste designations as a way to ensure lack of resources and constant surveillance.
Where Bombay: Story of an Island etch broad strokes of important events, Sheppard’s Bombay Place Names and Street Names dives into its effervescent details.

Sheppard bullet points Armenian Lane which stretched from Tamarind Lane to Esplanade Road and was named after a Church built there “at the end of the eighteenth century” by residential Armenians. Pusalker and Dighe discuss the political decisions of Gerald Aungier, a British Governor, who allowed Armenian traders to settle within today’s financial capital that then led to the existence of this Lane.
Little did I know
It is fascinating to see how little Bambaiyya history I knew despite growing up in the city. I have passed Charni Road station countless times in my life without ever thinking why Charni was Charni. Sheppard’s two theories are that either the name tracks an internal migration of “inhabitants from Chedni” which is located near present day Thane to what is now Charni. It could also simply reflect the usage of the desolate area as cattle-grazing (‘charna’) tracts.
Regardless of which theory is true, reading these two books made me realize that Bombay was always a place of people. It inhales and spits out like a patchwork.
One-third of the city made way for the other two-thirds to rocket their capital and capacity. Without people, the city could have been reduced to nothing. That rings just as true today.
Pusalker and Dighe’s parting words reverberate. They write that Bombay’s “preservation now depends on the good sense of its citizens, on their readiness to dwell together in unity and the willingness of its wealthy community to render justice to the millions of peasants and artisans whose labours and toils have gone to build up Bombay’s prosperity.”
Perhaps when Sheppard wrote that there is an absence of finger-posts to history, what he also meant was there is an absence of honouring what has come before; of learning from what has been wrought before.
The misery and delight lyrically woven into the song ‘Yeh Hai Bambai Meri Jaan’ now remains an honest testament to the havoc and pleasure this island has to offer.
Also read:
![[1930s] Bombay (Mumbai): Urban and seaside life](https://i.ytimg.com/vi/cz0H_ay6pb0/hqdefault.jpg)




Bellasis Road. (From Parel Road to Bellasis Bridge inclusive.)
An inscription on the Bridge reads as follows : — '' A.D. 1863.
This Bellasis Road was made in 1793 A.D. by the poor driven
from the City of Surat in that year of famine, out of funds raised
BOMBAY PLACE-NAMES. 31
by public subscription, and takes its name from Ma3or-G«n«ra|
Bellasis under whose order it was constructed."
".,]3ellasis Road, tbe great drive towards Scandal-point at
'^le'dch. Candy, is in the recollection of many now living a small
straggling, uneven, jolting pathway, got up by General Bellasis
^ of the Artillery, to suit his convenience, as he lived in the proxi-
mity of the famed Maha-Laxmi ; and from thence he was to be
seen jogging in his native ghari drawn by a couple of oxen."
(The MonthUj Miscellany of Western India, May, 1850.) There
is a mural monument to Major-General John Bellasis and his
wife in St. Thomas's Cathedral. On it he is described as com-
manding officer of the forces and Colonel of the Regiment of
Artillery on the Bombay establishment. Died, February 11,
1808, aged 64. General orders by Government, Bombay Castle,
16th Feb., 1808 : " It is with sincere concern that Government
announce to th« Army the death of that very respectable oflB.cer,
Major General John Bellasis, late Commanding Officer of the
Forces, who departed this life, on Thursday, the 11th instant,
suddenly, whilst he was in the meritorious discharge of his
duties, presiding at the Military Board, thereby terminating a
long course of zealous and faithful services." According to Mr.
E. Weekley (" The Romance of Names," p. 142), Bellasis is a
Norman name from bel assis — fairly situated. But the same
writer in " Surnames " (p. 318) says there is a font-name Belle-
Assez which is not uncommon in Middle English and would
give the same result. A friend informs me that the motto of
the family is Bel Assez, fair enough, and this is certainly a more
complimentary derivation than bel-assis which might be inter-
preted " well seated."
Belvedere Road. {From Dockyard Road to Wari Bunder Road.)
^ This must be called after a once famous bungalow on Bhan-
darwada hill. It was from that house that Sterne's Eliza
(Mrs. Draper) eloped with a naval ofiicer.
Bhai Jiwanji's Lane. (A blind lane from Girgaum Road.)
Named after the owner of the oart, Mr. Bhai Jiwanji, who was
Managing Clerk of Messrs. Crawford, Solicitors. He was a great
book collector and had a valuable library which was dispersed
after his death in 1906. He was well-to-do and possessed several
properties in Bombay.
32 BOMBAY PLACE-NAMES.
Bhajipala Street. {From Abdul Rehman Street to Memon-
^. wada Road.)
Bhajipala, or vegetables, are sold here.
Bhandari Street. {From Falkland Road to Bhandarwaha
Street.)
This street, as well as BnANDARWADA,is called after the Bhan-
daris, or toddy -drawers, that resided there. Some of them pos-
sessed houses and were reckoned among the old residents.
Others came to Bombay from Malvan, Vingurla and other
places, and settled in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
" The Bhandaris whose name is derived by some from the
Sanskrit mandharak (a distiller) and by others from bhandar (a
treasury) constitute one of the oldest communities in Bombay
Island and are sub-divided into five classes — Sinde, Gaud, More.
Kirpal, and Kitte or Kitre — which neither dine together nor
intermarry." (Bombay City Gazetteer, I. 231.)
Bhandup Street. {From Musjid Siding Road to Coorla Street ;
Constructed hy the Bombay Poit Trust, and handed over to
the Municipality on 30th June, 1883.)
Named after the village of Bhandup situated on the G. I. P.
Railway in the Thana District.
Bhangwadi or 2nd Kolbhat. {A blind lane from Kalbadevi
Road).
" In this oart," says Rao Bahadur P. B. Joshi, " there were
formerly afforded good facilities for persons who were accus-
tomed to drinking Bhang. Several shops were opened by Guja-
rati Brahmans for the preparation and sale of this drink. Vari-
ous kinds of Bhang were prepared, such as Bhang mixed with'
milk and sugar, and Bhang mixed with pounded almonds,
cardamoms, saffron, and other spices. The prices ranged from
half an anna to two annas per tola, or a bowlful. On Hindu
holidays and fast days such as the Mahashivaratra, Mondays of
the month of Shravan, etc., there was a great demand for this
Bhang by the devotees of Shiva. It is believed to be sacred to
Shiva and therefore people partook of it on days sacred to that
god. It was also poured by way of Abhishek (holy sprinkling)
on the ling of Shiva."
BOMBAY PLACE-NAMES. 33
Bhang is the dried leaves and small stalks of hemp (i.e.,
Cannabis indica). The word is usually derived from Sanskrit,^
bhanga,, breaking, but Sir Richard Burton derives both it and the
Arab Banj from the old Coptic Nibanj " meaning a preparation
ot* hemp ; and there it is easy to recognise the Homeric Nepen-
the." (Hobson-Jobson.)
Bhasker Lane. {A blind lane from Cathedral Street.)
Named after the father of Mr. Anandrao Bhasker, who was a
Judge of the Small Cause Court, and who owned a large property
here. Bhasker ji was a Prabhu by caste, and most of the houses
around this locality and Bhuleshwar were owned by the Parbhus
and the Yajurvedi Joshis till the middle of the nineteenth
century.
Bhaskar Bhau Lane. (Near Gamdevi.)
This lane is called after Bhasker Bhau Mantri who possessed
several houses in Gamdevi and other parts of Bombay. He
belonged to the Somavanshi Pathare Community, and was a
well known contractor in Bombay.
Bhattia Bagh. (South of Victoria Terminus.)
Sir Dinshah E. Wacha, otherwise " Sandy Seventy " in The
Bombay Chronicle (April 9, 1915) says : — '"It was not till 1861,
generally after 1864, that Malabar Hill began to be well popula-
ted. The remaining population in the Fort, specially the north,
was occupied by Parsi merchants and traders, the Kapole
Banias, men of the rank and wealth of Mangaldas Nathoobhoy
and Vurjivandas Madhowdas lived here and there in central
town houses which still stand. Next were the wealthy Bhattias,
who resided in Bazaar Gate Street and in Old Mody Street, lying
parallel to the east, in the direction of Mody Bay. Goculdas
Tejpal, Goculdas Liladhar Pasta, Khatao Makanji, Jivraj Baloo,
Jairam Sewji and such occupied the Bazar Gate Street from the
north end as far as the Parsi Agiary Street, south. In Holee
Chukla also the population was Bhattia. This extended as far
as Parsi Bazaar Street, near the end of Gola Lane. Generically
it was known as ' Bhattia Wad.' The ' Bhattia Bag ' in Fort
Street, now under renovation, was so called, because all along
jts south side the Bhattia population greatly preponderated, when
^he 'bag' so called was first built in the latter part of the sixties."
34 BOMBAY PLACE-NAMES.
( (
When the Municipality undertook to lay out the Bagh,
*" which had grown untidy and unsightly, in an orderly fashion
various suggestions were made for its re -naming and j:\ May,
1917, it received the official designation Victoria S(^U4re.
"The name," said The Times of India, " k obvious enough
when one remembers that the Victoria Terminus is one of t^e
boundaries of the area thus rechristened, but "square "<- is
geometrically indefensible. " Place," which was originally
suggested, would have done well if only we could acquire the
habit of using it in the French sense which somehow does not
fit in with the English pronunciation of the word. The
Corporation cannot in any case be accused of coming to a
decision without due consideration of the various names sug-
gested. They have deliberately swept away the name of a
quarter which is smaller in size than in historic interest, and,
as our Calcutta correspondent pointed out in a letter which
we published yesterday, it often happens that the name of a
quarter or district is not attached to any street and is thus in
danger of being obliterated. For many reasons that is to be
regretted."
Bhatwadi. (From Girgaum Road to Girgaum Bach Road.)
There were formerly three Bhatwadis in Bombay. One of
these has been now acquired by the City Improvement Trust
(in 1911), and a new street is opened there. These three Bhat-
wadis at one time formed one oart which was the property of one
Bhat Vasudev Sankhedkar, a priest of the Somavanshi Pathares.
It contained cocoanut, plantain, and guava trees. It was subse-
quently divided into three parts after it had passed into different
hands. Till the year 1884, the 2nd Bhatwadi was known as
Ganesh Ramji's Wadi owing to the fact that most of the houses'^
there were owned by Ganesh Ramji, head surveyor to the Col-
lector of Bombay.
Bhantaz Gully. (Fro^n Portuguese Church, Chiniwadi.)
Bhavnagar Street. (Behind Memonwada Street.)
So called because the inhabitants are Memons from Bhavnagar
in Kathiawar. The Memons in Bombay mostly come from
BOMBAY PLACE-NAMES. 35
> 3
Cutch, Halar, Dholka in Ahmedabad Collectorate, Bhavnagar,
Bhuj and Verawal in Kathiawad, and are accordingly called'^
CutCc]i3, Halai, Dholka, etc., Memons. (c/. Bhujvari Street),
BjiENDY Bazaar. (See under Parel Road.)
3HIMPARA Street. (In Mandvi Koliwada.)
>
Named after a Koli called Bhim, who was formerly headman
of the Kolis there. The name Bhim originally belonged to a god
of the Hindu Pantheon, who corresponds to the classical Hercules.
In the guise of Bhim Raja, Bhimdev, or Raja Bimb it ap-
pears as the name of the chief who ruled over Mahim in Bombay
and Salsette subsequent to the epoch of Silahara rule (vide
Bombay City Gazetteer.)
Bhisti Street. (East of Bhendi Bazaar.)
So called because Bhisti Mussulmans are the chief inhabitants.
Bhistis are water carriers. The word is commonly derived from
the Persian bihishti, a person of hihisht or paradise, but the
compilers of Hobson-Jobson fail to trace its history. Dr.
Jivanji Jamsetji Modi questions that derivation and thinks it
comes from the Gujarati word for " to wet."
Bhoget Gully. (From Gopi Tank Gully No. 2 to Sorab Mill
Gully.)
Owes its name to the fact that a well-known Bhagat or Deval
rashi (exorcist) once resided in its vicinity.
1st Bhoiwada Lane. (From Kika Street to Bhuleshwar Street.)
Named after Bhois (palanqum bearers) who inhabited the
place. " Boy, a palanquin-bearer. From the name of the
caste, Tel. and Mai. boyi. Tam. bovi.'' (Hobson-Jobson.)
The whole land of the First, Second and Third Bhoiwada is a
Fazandari tenure. The original Fazandars of all these three
Bhoiwadas were Balambhat Javle and other descendants of
Gamba Naik Javle, and that Naik who were granted by Gover-
nors Sir John Childe (1687 A.D.) and Richard Bourchier (1755
A.D.) patents of rights as the chief hereditary priests and phy-
sicians of Bombay. At present the Fazandars of the first and of
the half of the 2nd Bhoiwada are the descendants of the said
36 BOMBAY 'place-names.
(( ■'
Gamba Naik and Vitlial Naik Javle. The Fazandari rights
^M)f half of the 2nd Bhoiwada, including the Bhuleshwar
Market, and of the whole of the 3rd Bhoiwada are vested in
Mr. Vinayakrao Sadanand Joshi, the present owner of ?ada-
nand Joshi's oart and properties in Bombay.
Bhujvari Street. (Memonwada.)
The inhabitants are Memons from Bhuj in Cutch (cf. Bhav-
nagar Street).
Bhuleshwar Street. (From Kalbadevi Road to Girgaum.)
" So called from the great temple and tank of Bhuleshwar."
(Bombay City Gazetteer.)
"Bholesvar is one of the epithets of Siva, Bhola meaning
* simple ' hence he is called the Lord of the Simple. Others say
that it was built by a rich Koli by name Bhola, who, having no
progeny nor relatives of his own, spent his large fortune in the
building of this temple, which bears his name. Another tradi-
tion connects the temple with a Pardesi by name Bholanath,
who built it whence the gcd is called by his name. Others say
that the Pardesi was a mere porter of the temple." (Da
Cunha, p. 61.)
Rao Bahadur P.B. Joshi writes : — " The statement that Bho-
leshwar is one of the epithets of Shiva is not accurate, because
grammatically it would be wrong to form the compound Bho-
leshwar from Bhola and Ishwar. Such compound would be
considered a hybrid combination. The real origin of the name
Bhuleshwar is from the name of the individual who built the
temple and gave money for the consecration ceremony. Origi-
nally the temple was built by a local Koli, or fisherman, who was .
wealthy but had no progeny. His name was Bhula, or Bhulya,
and so the God was called Bhuleshwar by the officiating priests
who were the hereditary Yajurvedic Brahmans of Bombay.
In Bombay, several other temples are similarly named after
the person who built them." 






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