Wednesday, June 8, 2011










[PART12]  MAPS OF BOMBAY 1843 TO 1954

AMERICAN NATIONAL ANTHEM MADE ON BOMBAY MADE SHIP 1814.common history of Usa and India:-

1894 -It was the first commercial motion picture house. :-A public Kinetoscope (a device for peep-show viewing of films) parlor was opened by the Holland Bros. in New York City at 1155 Broadway, on the corner of 27th Street. The venue had 10 machines, set up in parallel rows of 5, each showing a different movie. For 25 cents a viewer could see all the films in either row; half a dollar gave access to the entire bill. Interior view of a Kinetoscope with the peephole viewer at the top of the cabinet



It began with the Lumiere Brothers' Cinematography


unveiling six silent short films at the Watson's Hotel in Bombay,1896

Louis (left) and Auguste Lumière

Types of projectors
  • 35 mm
  •  9.5 m                                                         
  •  16 mm      Image result for 16mm projector                                                           
  •  70 mmImage result for 70mm projector

Lumière camera of 1896

Rear view Lumière camera

namely Entry of Cinematographe, 

The Sea Bath,

The Sea (1895) - LOUIS LUMIERE - La mer - YouTube
May 12, 2012 - Uploaded by Change Before Going Productions
The first public screening of films at which admission was charged was held on December 28, 1895, at ...
                                                               Arrival of a Train,

The Lumiere Brothers - "Arrival of a Train at La Ciotat" - First ...
Jan 7, 2013 - Uploaded by Cinema History
"L'arrivée d'un train en gare de La Ciotat" (translated from French into ... an 1895 French short black-and ...

                                                                   A Demolition,

Demolition of a Wall (1896) - 1st Reverse Motion in Film ...
Feb 22, 2012 - Uploaded by Change Before Going Productions
In Demolition of a Wall (aka Démolition d'un mur) by Louis Lumière, we ... The Mechanical Butcher (1895 ...

                                                                THE CARD GAME

Card Party (1895) - Lumière Film - YouTube
Jul 21, 2015 - Uploaded by All Classic Video
Classic Lumière film from 1895, "Card Party. ... sitting at the table then proceeds to pour the drinks while the ...

                        WORKERS LEAVING FACTORY

1895, Lumiere, Workers Leaving the Lumiere Factory (1895 ...
Feb 8, 2011 - Uploaded by MediaFilmProfessor
1895, Lumiere, Workers Leaving the Lumiere Factory (1895) ... "The Champion" - Charlie Chaplin's ...

In the same year, the Madras Photographic Store advertised "animated photographs"

Cinemagraphs: How to Create Animated Photographs in ...
Feb 1, 2015
It's an art form divided between the affirmative "it's a photograph!" or the inquisitive "is it a video?" Above ...

'Photographs': A Touching Animated Short About an Old ...
Jan 29, 2015
Photographs” is a touching 6-minute-long animated short film about an elderly woman who comes across an old ...
Daily screenings of films commenced in Bombay in 1897 by Clifton and Co.'s Meadows Street Photography Studio.

Clifton & Co, Photographers (Bombay) - FIBIwiki,_Photographers...

Jun 16, 2012 - Clifton & Co Photography Studio of Bombay, and noted publisher of ... Library India Office Select Materials includes photographs by Schulz ...

Masters of Photography Clifton & Co Indian Photography ...
Aug 17, 2015 - Uploaded by TPW The Photography Workshop Clifton & Co Photography Studio of Bombay was established in 1896 or 1897 by ...

Clifton & Co., and various photographers, circa 1900 | India ...
Clifton & Co., and various photographers, circa 1900 India. Buy and collect contemporary or modern art, old masters, jewelry, wine, watches, interiors, prints, and ...

the Clifton Photographic Company

Clifton Photographic Company specialise in stunning makeover and beautiful family portrait photography, our studio is based

silent movies of india:-click and read:-


Raja Harishchandra (1913) was the first full-length silent film produced in 

pre-partition India. Phalke wanted to cast women in female roles, but no woman

agreed to perform.

[woman  refused to work in movies due to social stigma. Public performance such as acting, dancing, singing for women was mostly associated with prostitutes and courtesans. So, acting in films was regarded scandelous for women. In some cases, even the prostitutes refused to work in films as the film would document the nature of their work permanently in front of the public. For the same reason, we see a young man playing the charecter “Queen Taramati” in Phalke’s first film “Raja Harischandra”. Phalke used his own family members in his films to surpass the problem. The women started to act in films by 1920 but were mostly Anglo-Indians and most of the time with a british origin.]

Phalke sees the light

Interestingly, as Bombay grew, its film industry became one of the greatest melting pots of the world. Apart from Anglo-Indians (who were very popular in the silent era, but suffered a decline after that), almost all kinds of Indians participated equally in the industry right from the start and continue to do so today. Even the eclipse of Anglo-Indians had to do with three factors that cannot be attributed to prejudice: with the coming of the talkies (1931 – Alam Ara), some Anglo-Indians could not switch to fluent Hindustani; as a community, Anglo-Indians left India in large numbers after independence in 1947; and finally, by the 1940s, Indian women from respectable families started entering cinema too. Earlier on, film-makers were dependent, with a few exceptions, on Indian women from the traditional ‘tawaif’ (courtesan) communities, or from very ‘Westernised’ families, which mostly meant Anglo-Indians.

. The success of the movie Raja Harishchandra enabled Phalke to establish a film studio at Nasik, some distance from Bombay.
Indian women were hesitant to expose themselves to the camera.
Popular films include ‘Hunterwali’6 (1935), which showcased Mary Evans, an Australian actress of Greek-Welsh origin. Hunterwali was the story of a woman who fights oppression and helps the poor.Indian popular cinema has perpetuated this ideal of a wife’s selfless devotion.
In famous films of the yesteryears like ‘Sati Parvati’ (1920), ‘Sati Seeta’ (1924), and ‘Sati Savitri’ (1932), women are depicted as formulaic and banal, with no ambitions or desires for themselves, only for their husbands, sons or fathers. It is no wonder these women are so dutiful to their men, as Sati means ‘extreme devotion to her husband’.

Early courtesan films idealized the beauty and artistic skills of the historical mujarewali and portrayed prostitutes restored to social respectability through
Actresses in these early films often came from the brothel culture – they were already trained in singing and dancing, and because they were public women, matters such as family honour. or in-laws were unimportant
As one film hero (Devdas) explains it to one tawaif (Chandramukhi, in the 2002 version of Devdas), “a woman is a mother, a sister, a wife, or a friend; and when she is nothing, she is a tawaif.”

google map of bombay  talkies:-

google map of bombay  talkies:-


अछूत कन्या / THE UNTOUCHABLE GIRL हिन्दी /१९३६-1936 /B&W/१४२ मिनिट Production Co:निर्माता Bombay Talkies :दिग्दर्शक : हिमांशु राय-HIMANSHU RAI : Franz Osten: कहानीकार 
                                                      BIOGRAPHY OF  Devika Rani :-

The Bombay Talkies Limited (commonly known as Bombay Talkies) was a movie studio produced 102 movies, founded in 1934 in Malad, Bombay (now Mumbai), Himanshu Rai, Rajnarayan Dube and Devika Rani along with businessmen like F. E. Dinhsaw, Sir Firoze Sethna and others Franz Osten and Niranjan Pal as its first full-time filmmakers

1940 - Movie Mogul Himanshu Rai (1892-1940) passes away.  He was founder of Bombay Talkies which was responsible for a number of early hits including "Goddess" (1922), "Light of Asia" (1925), and "Karma" (1933).
Himanshu Rai
Himanshu Rai

                                                                  Himanshu Rai (1896 – 1940)

Himansu RAI BIOGRAPHY:- The westward-leaning Rai became one of the first Indians to collaborate with European filmmakers. While studying Law in London he grew interested in acting and vowed to improve the general standards of Indian films with foreign inputs. With great dexterity this pushy youngster convinced Germany’s Emelka Studio to co-produce the silent film Light of Asia (’27), with The Great Eastern Film Corporation, Delhi. Starring Himanshu Rai in the role of Gautam Buddha, Light Of Asia was a success in Germany. Rai now decided to become a producer himself. He collaborated with various filmmakers including the famous German studio, UFA and made Shiraz and A Throw Of Dice.

After his marriage to the beauteous and well-connected Devika Rani, Rai joined forces with IBP of England and made India’s first English-Hindi bilingual film — Karma (’33). Premiered at London’s Marble Arch Pavillion, Karma won rave reviews but the general public’s reaction was decidedly cool. Rai was said to have turned the thin story of two royal heirs seeking to modernize their kingdoms into a west-oriented spectacle, exploiting India’s poverty to picturesque advantage.
After Karma, Himanshu Rai decided to concentrate on the Indian audience. He realized his long cherished dream in 1935, when he started his own studio — Bombay Talkies. India’s first public limited film company, it was launched with an authorized capital of Rs 25 lakhs and with prominent citizens on its board of directors.
Thereafter, Rai gave up acting and concentrated on supervising the shooting of quality films like Acchut Kanya (’36) and Bhabhi (’38), which his studio came to be associated with. Bombay Talkies’ films popularized the concept of actors speaking film dialogue in simple Hindustani instead of high flown Urdu. Rai, a Bengali, stipulated that any line that he could not understand would not be allowed in the script.

Rai patterned Bombay Talkies on Hollywood studios like MGM. Everything from a sound stage to a laboratory, to a studio for designing, to an extensive library, was contained within the Bombay Talkies portals.
Tragedy struck in 1939, when World War II was announced. Rai’s old associate and director of all Bombay Talkies films till then, the German Franz Osten, was forcefully interned by the British Government. Overwork and mental strain took their toll. Leela Chitnis, then under contract with Bombay Talkies, describes in her autobiography the violent showdown between Rai and some staff members that precipitated Rai’s nervous breakdown. Himanshu Rai never really recovered and in 1940, Bombay Talkies was left rudderless by his death.
Within 15 years, the studio that Rai built in Malad, Bombay, no longer dealt with the art of celluloid myth making. Fate had decreed that it be turned into an industrial estate instead.


Prem Sanyas Cine-concert «

The Light of Asia »FILM 1925 -

SILENT Film-of Bombay Talkies

Emelka, 'Light of Asia Tour', Few members of the cast and crew between shots at Jaipur palace 1926

First Ever Kissing Scene of Bollywood Movie-Devika Rani ...
Jun 17, 2013 - Uploaded by James Bond
Devika Rani-Himanshu Roy kissing scene KARMA-1933 This is the first ever kissing ... This is the first ...

devika rani & himanshu rai first
kiss in hindi cinema pic1933 film karma

Bombay Talkies, 'Jeevan Naiya', Open air night time party scene, 1936

1944 - Dilip Kumar makes his film debut in "Jwar Bhata"

Image result for Jwar Bhata.1944 (first movie of Dilip Kumar)

Dilip Kumar1943 -

Image result for Jwar Bhata.1944 (first movie of Dilip Kumar)

Jwar Bhata.1944 (first movie of Dilip Kumar)

Dilip Kumar First Movie Jwar Bhatta 1944 - Dilip Kumar ...
Dec 14, 2013 - Uploaded by KhariBaat
Dilip Kumar First Movie Jwar Bhatta 1944 - Dilip Kumar Unknown Facts 01 Subscribe now and watch for ...


Parul Ghosh...Bhool Jana Chati Hoon. Jwar Bhata 1944 ...
Nov 23, 2009 - Uploaded by IMIRZA777
Singer. Parul Ghosh. Movie. Jawar Bhata. ... Dilip Kumar First Movie Jwar Bhatta 1944 - Dilip Kumar Unknown ...

sanjh ki bela panchi akela ak mukherjee film jwar bhata ...
Jun 14, 2011 - Uploaded by Ajay Yuvraj

 Parul Ghosh...Bhool Jana Chati Hoon. Jwar Bhata 1944.

Jan 4, 2012 - Uploaded by SHAHIDJSIPURI
this song is rear but the movie jwar bhata more rear even dilip sahib also ... Dilip Kumar First Movie Jwar ...

Asha Bhonsle sings for her first film "Majha Bal".
Asha Bhosle

Film Events and the 1940's - Chandrakantha › History › Film Songs & Events › 1940s
Feb 26, 2016 - This page is about the Indian film events from 1940's. ... 1943 - Asha Bhonsle sings for her first film "Majha Bal". Asha Bhosle; 1943 - The film

                                    Leela Chitnis in the early 1940s. movie with Ashok kumar

Bandhan - 1940 Film - Ashok Kumar & Leela Chitnis ...
May 23, 2013 - Uploaded by Old Hindi Songs
Bandhan is a 1940 Indian Bollywood film directed by N.R. Acharya. It stars Leela Chitnis, Ashok Kumar and ...

Devika Rani 1940, Devika Rani

Prapancha Pash 

(A Throw of Dice)1929

Charu Roy and Seeta Devi in the 1929 film Prapancha Pasha(A Throw of Dice)
Directed byFranz Osten
Produced byNadine Luque
Tim Pearce
Himansu Rai
Bruce Wolfe
Written byW.A Burton
Max Jungk
Niranjan Pal (story)
StarringSeeta Devi
Himansu Rai
Charu Roy
Modhu Bose
Music byWilly Schmidt-Gentner
Nitin Sawhney (2006)
CinematographyEmil Schünemann
Distributed by(International) Fandango
(U.K) BFI (British Film Institute)
Release date(s)16 August 1929
31 August 2007 (Re-release) [1]
Running time74 min
British India
United Kingdom

A Throw of Dice-silent film-Bombay talkies -[MALAD]-1929-SILENT FILM

A Throw of Dice (1929) - Full Hindi Movie | Starring Seeta ...
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Watch A Throw of Dice (1929) - Full Hindi Movie | Starring Seeta Devi, Himansu Rai and Charu Roy A Throw ...

A Throw of Dice 1929 - YouTube
Jun 16, 2013 - Uploaded by ozgur özgür
A Throw of Dice 1929. ozgur özgür .... EL AGUILA (THE EAGLE, 1925, Full movie, Silent film ...

Alam Ara[
the first Indian sound film
Theatrical release poster
Directed byArdeshir Irani
Produced byImperial Movietone
Written byJoseph David
Munshi Zaheer (Urdu)
StarringMaster Vithal
Prithviraj Kapoor
The Arrival of Sound (1931)
Sound along with music arrived in Indian Cinema in 1931 with the grand release of hindi cinema “Alam Ara” on March 14th, 1931 at Majestic Theatre in Bombay. The movie was advertised as ” all talking, all singing, all dancing film”. The film was produced by Ardesir Irani. The movie featured seven songs that built the path for future movies with more music, songs and dance sequences in Indian Cinema. The use of songs became so  popular that it reached it’s maximum of 70 in the 1932 film “Indra Sabha”. Indian movie goers started favoring Hindi cinemas more than the Hollywood productions. Within 10 years from the advent of sound in Indian films, the screening of Hollywood Films had dropped by more than 10 percent while the film industries in Bombay, Calcutta, Lahore, Madras, Pune grew rapidly.

The “talent search” used to begin at the theaters. Another source of talent was from courtesans (Baiji’s). 

                                                                   MADHUBALA AS A CHILD ARTIST 1942-BOMBAY TALKIES
The magic of Madhubala

                                                  MADHUBALA 1942-BOMBAY TALKIES-FILM BASANT

Basant 1942 Madhubala - YouTube
Jan 6, 2008 - Uploaded by Surjit Singh
Basant 1942 Madhubala ... Mumtaz Ali (Mehmood's dad), Suresh and P. F. Pithawala (a Bombay Talkies ...

basant.hum ko hai madhubala - YouTube
Nov 9, 2008 - Uploaded by samjhave
basant was made by bombay talkies in 1942 starring mumtaz shanti,ukhas,pithawala,mumtaz ali (father ...

basant..hum ko hai pyari hamari galiya..1942 - YouTube
Sep 7, 2008 - Uploaded by samjhave
'basant'was made by bombay talkies in 1942 & it ran for nearly 3 yrs. in mejestic cinema in bombay ...

Basant (1942) - Old Classic Hits | FULL MOVIE - YouTube
Feb 23, 2015 - Uploaded by Movies Heritage
Subscribe to our Movies Heritage: Film: Basant Year: ... Chakrabarty Music: Pannalal ...

film achyut kanya

Directed byFranz Osten
Produced byHimanshu Rai
Written byNiranjan Pal
StarringAshok Kumar
Devika Rani
Music bySaraswati Devi
J.S. Cashyap (lyrics)
CinematographyJosef Wirsching
Release date(s)1936

Bombay Talkies, 'Jawani-ki-hawa', Devika Rani with ladies in waiting, 1935

Mein Ban Ki Chidiya (Ashok Kumar and Devika Rani)-1936


Bombay Talkies, 'Savitri', Production still of a heavenly sequence, 1937

Directed byGyan Mukherjee
Produced byBombay Talkies
Written byGyan Mukherjee
StarringAshok Kumar
Mumtaz Shanti
Shah Nawaz
Music byAnil Biswas
Kavi Pradeep (lyrics)
Release date(s)1943
Running time143 min.

[1]Gher Gher Mein Dewali... (Kismet)-1943-BOMBAY TALKIES


[2]kismat..1943..ab tere siva-BOMBAY TALKIES:-

 click to hear:-

[3]Kismat (43) - Dheere Dheere Aa Re Badal - duet-BOMBAY  TALKIES

Amirbai Karnataki & Chorus sings 'Door hato ae duniyawalon hindusthan hamara hai' - Kismat (1942)


Jwar Bhata.1944 (first movie of Dilip Kumar)-BOMBAY TALKIES














Cast And Crew

Mridula    Shamim    Agha    Dilip Kumar    PF Pithawala    KN Singh    Mumtaz Ali

Dilip Kumar is considered to be one of the greatest actors of Indian cinema. Starting his career in 1944, he has starred in some of the biggest commercially successful films from the late 1940s, 1950s, 1960s and 1980s. His performances have been regarded as the epitome of emoting in Indian Cinema.


 Yusuf Khan
December 11, 1922 in Peshawar,  


 Lagi nahi choote Rama - Dilip Kumar , Lata-1957

Rajnarayan Dube (10 Oct 1910 – 9 Dec 1990) was the founder of 'DUBE INDUSTRIES' , established in 1929, Its Head Office was in Marine lines in 'DUBE HOUSE'.He was a great financer and had a big construction company. He had played a very much important role to save the Bombay Talkies to run it successfully. Whenever any problems arose in Bombay Talkies, Rajnarayan Dube tried to solve those problems related to Bombay Talkies with all resources and supports. But in the last after 1950, the managers of Bombay Talkies created some major problems among them. After this, again he tried a lot to convince them for solve those difficult problems, but it was not possible to make the situation favourable.Devika Rani was alone in this disputes and asked help from Rajnarayan Dube. He helped her in all respects in that difficult situation. Devika Rani was a great personality.Devika Rani was awarded Padma Shri in 1958 for her great contribution in Indian Cinema, and She was the first to receive 'Dadasaheb Phalke Award' in 1969. She was the first person who became the Member of Parliament.
Bombay Talkies introduced 'Dilip Kumar', His first film Jwar Bhata was released in 1944. Devika Rani helped Khan's entry into the Bollywood film industry. Hindi Author Bhagwati Charan Varma gave him the screen name Dilip Kumar and gave him the leading role in his film Jwar Bhata (1944). Devika Rani and Rajnarayan dube spotted Khan in one of Pune's Aundh military canteens.
In 1944, Prithviraj Kapoor requested Devika Rani and Rajnarayan Dube for his son Raj kapoor (Ranbir Raj kapoor) to give a chance to work in Bombay Talkies. Raj Kapoor's carrier was carved in Bombay Talkies. After failing in his matriculation examination, Raj Kapoor first joined Bombay Talkies and began to work as an attendant on the sets ofBombay Talkies. Later, Raj Kapoor assisted another movies of bombay Talkies under famous director Kedar Sharma as a clapper boy.

Neel Kamal (1947)

116 min  -  Drama   -  24 March 1947 (India)
Users: (10 votes) write review


Kidar Nath Sharma


Kidar Nath Sharma (dialogue), Kidar Nath Sharma (screenplay), and 1 more credit »


 Begum Para, Raj Kapoor and Madhubala
Raj Kapoor's big break came with the lead role in Neel Kamal(1947) opposite Madhubala in her first role as a leading lady.

Neel Kamal (1947) - Jawaani Agar Hai -

Neelkamal 1947 jawaani agar hook dil ki dawaayen Geeta ...
Oct 13, 2011 - Uploaded by bhandarikk
Neelkamal 1947 jawaani agar hook dil ki dawaayen Geeta Dutt ... SOCHTA KYA HAI MUKESH & HAMEEDA ...

Neel Kamal (1947 film) - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Neel Kamal is a 1947 black and white Bollywood film directed by Kidar Sharma. Although a commercial failure, this romantic melodrama is now significant as the ...

Neel Kamal, 1947 - YouTube
Jul 8, 2012 - Uploaded by indiavideodotorg
Directed by Kidar Sharma, Neel Kamal released in 1947 paired the young Raj Kapoor, son of Prithviraj ...

Neel Kamal [1947]-c-Indian Cinema-Disk 1 - YouTube
May 22, 2015 - Uploaded by fahed rashid
Neel Kamal [1947] Indian Cinema. ... Neel Kamal (1968) - Waheeda Rehman - Manoj Kumar - Raaj Kumar ...

Kal Jamuna tat par - Neel Kamal (1947) - YouTube
Feb 10, 2008 - Uploaded by kitaabik
Song from Neel Kamal(1947), starring Raj Kapoor and Madhubala. This was the first film for both them as lead ...

Bhool Jathe Hain (Neel Kamal 1947) - YouTube
Aug 16, 2008 - Uploaded by Chromcast0845
This song is from the old 1947 Neel Kamal movie, in which Madhubala sang it as child actress Mumtaz ...

Neel Kamal
Directed byKidar Sharma
Produced byKidar Sharma
Written byKidar Sharma
StarringRaj Kapoor
Begum Para
Music byB. Vasudev
CinematographyGordhanbhai Patel
Editing byS. G. Chavande
Distributed byBombay Talkies
Release date(s)24 March 1947
Running time116 min.

Ziddi (1948 film)

The film helped establish its stars. Dev Anand and Pran in Hindi films.
The soundtrack featured the first film song sung by playback singer Kishore Kumar, "Marne ki duayen kyon mangu".

Directed byShaheed Latif
Produced byBombay Talkies
StarringDev Anand
Kamini Kaushal
Music byKhemchand Prakash
Release date(s)1948
CountryIndia India

Marne Ki Duayen Kyon Mangu-ZIDDI-BOMBAY TALKIES-1948

Marne Ki Duayen Kyon Mangu - Kishore Kumar - YouTube
Mar 27, 2012 - Uploaded by MyKishoreOfficial
Marne ki duayen kyun mangoon - Kishore Kumar Film - Ziddi (1949) Produced By - BOMBAY TALKIES .

Ziddi (1948 film) - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Ziddi (Hindi: ज़िद्दी, "Stubborn") is a 1948 Hindi film directed by Shaheed Latif. It was based on a story by Ismat Chughtai and launched the career of Dev ...

Ziddi, 1948 - YouTube
Jul 20, 2012 - Uploaded by indiavideodotorg
Ziddi 1948 launched the career of Dev Anand as a lead hero and Kishore Kumar as a singer in Hindi films ...

Ziddi | Full Hindi Movies | Dev Anand | Kamini Kaushal ...
Jul 27, 2014 - Uploaded by Cinema Scope Movies
Ziddi (English: Stubborn) is a 1948 Hindi film directed by Shaheed Latif. It was based on a story by Ismat ...

Ziddi - 1948 Film - Dev Anand & Kamini Kaushal - Directed ...
May 31, 2013 - Uploaded by Old Hindi Songs
Ziddi is a 1948 Hindi film directed by Shaheed Latif. It was based on a story by Ismat Chughtai and launched ...

Ziddi (1948) Marne ki duayen kyon mangu_Kishore Kumar ...
Dec 8, 2011 - Uploaded by ramragbir
Ziddi (1948) Marne ki duayen kyon mangu_Kishore Kumar First film song ... Ziddi - 1948 Film - Dev Anand ...

Ziddi (1948) Scenes of Kishore Kumar First appearance in a ...
Dec 8, 2011 - Uploaded by ramragbir
Ziddi (1948) Dev Anands First Bit hit movie CAST:- Dev Anand, Kamini ... Ziddi | Classical Bollywood Movie ...

Ziddi 1948 || Full Hindi Movie || Dev Anand, Kamini Kaushal ...
May 17, 2015 - Uploaded by Movie Bank
Ziddi (English: Stubborn) is a 1948 Hindi film directed by Shaheed Latif. It was based on a story by Ismat ...



Marne Ki Duayen Kyon Mangu - Kishore Kumar - YouTube
Mar 27, 2012 - Uploaded by MyKishoreOfficial
Marne ki duayen kyun mangoon - Kishore Kumar Film - Ziddi (1949) Produced By - BOMBAY TALKIES .

Soon a rift arose between Devika Rani and her managers, Sashadhar Mukherjee  and Ashok Kumar were part of the rival camp. They tried alternating production between the two camps. In that crucial condition, Rajnarayan Dube and Devika Rani finally decided with their mutual understanding to close down the film company 'Bombay Talkies' in 1954

Mahal (1949 filmBOMBAY TALKIES -1949


Film poster
Directed by Kamal Amrohi
Produced by Ashok Kumar
Savak Vacha
Written by Kamal Amrohi
Starring Ashok Kumar
Music by Khemchand Prakash
Cinematography Joseph Wirsching
Editing by Bimal Roy
M. Shanker
R. M. Tipnis
Release date(s) 1949
Running time 165 min.
Country India
Language Hindi / Urdu

Aayega Aane waala-MAHAL

Mahal (1949 film) - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Mahal is a 1949 Indian Hindi film directed by Kamal Amrohi and starring Ashok Kumar and Madhubala. It was India's first reincarnation thriller film. Produced by ...
Theme - ‎Cast - ‎Soundtrack - ‎Influence

Mahal (1949) - IMDb
Rating: 7.1/10 - ‎230 votes
Directed by Kamal Amrohi. With Ashok Kumar, Madhubala, M. Kumar, Vijayalaxmi. A young lawyer is involved with a ghostly woman in his new house, where ...

Mahal (1949) - Plot Summary - IMDb
Mahal (1949) on IMDb: Hari Shankar (Ashok Kumar) comes to claim his inheritance - a palatial building known as Shabnam Mahal. He does not see anything ...

MAHAL Hindi Full Movie | Madhubala, Ashok Kumar | Hindi ...
May 29, 2014 - Uploaded by Feel Good Movies
Watch Super Hit Classic Hindi Full Movie MAHAl (1949), Director: Kamal Amrohi Producer : Ashok Kumar

Raj Kumari & Zohara Bai - Ye Raat Phir Na Aayegi - Mahal [1949]

Yeh Raat Phir Na Aayegi - Zohrabai, Rajkumari - MAHAL ...
Jun 14, 2013 - Uploaded by SEPL Vintage
Yeh Raat Phir Na Aayegi - Zohrabai, Rajkumari - MAHAL - Ashok .... Phir Na Aaegi" | Romantic ...

Sashadhar was Ashok Kumar an d Kishore Kumar's brother-in-law, being married to their only sister, Sati Rani. He was also instrumental in getting Ashok Kumar into films. His children are Rono Mukherjee, Joy Mukherjee, Deb Mukherjee, Shomu Mukherjee, Shibani Maulik/nee Mukherjee, and Subir Mukherjee. Shomu married actress Tanuja and together they had two children: Kajol and Tanisha. Sashadhar's great niece is actress Rani Mukerji]

Sashadhar Mukherjee
Sashadhar Mukherjee
In 1943 Sashadhar Mukherjee with Rai Bahadur Chunilal, Ashok Kumar and Gyan Mukherjee formed a partnership and started the studio Filmistan in Goregaon.

n the 1950s Sashadhar formed his own production house called Filmalaya in Andheri, near Amboli. He also ran an acting school and was instrumental in giving actresses like Asha Parekh and Sadhana a break in films. Nasir Hussain was a director involved with his productions as was R. K. Nayyar and Gyan Mukherjee , music director O. P. Nayyar

Kidar Nath Sharma also Kedar Sharma (April 12, 1910 – April 29, 1999), was a Indian film director, producer, Screenwriter, and Lyricist of Hindi films. While he had great success as a director of such movies as Neel Kamal (1947)

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Like a huge birdcage exhaled from the earth: Watson's Esplanade Hotel,  Mumbai (1867-71), and its place in structural history

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The world's first film poster, for 1895's L'Arroseur Arrosé

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  • 1934: The Bombay Talkies conceived and established.
  • 1935: Jawani ki Hawa, a thriller, starring Devika Rani.
  • 1936: Jeevan Naiya, Ashok Kumar’s debut movie; another famous movie Achhut Kanya produced.
  • 1940: Death of Himanshu Rai, the founder of the Bombay Talkies.
  • 1942: Madhubala’s debut as a child artist named Baby Mumtaz in the movie Basant.
  • 1943: Kismet , a successful thriller.
  • 1944: Dilip Kumar's First Movie Jwar Bhata released.
  • 1948:Ziddi Dev Anands first hit.
  • 1949: Mahal, a successful hit.
  • 1954: The Bombay Talkies was closed down.
  • 1990: Death of Rajnarayan Dube, (The pillar of Indian cinema and financer of all 102 films of Bombay Talkies).
  • 1994: Death of Devika Rani, she died in Banglore on 9 March 1994.
  • 2001: Death of Ashok Kumar,He Died on 10 Dec,2001.


    Almost the greatest scientific invention of the age

    On 24 September 1896, the Lumière representative to Bombay and Australia, Marius Sestier, received a telegram from the home office in Lyon. The films he had made in India and shipped back to France before leaving Bombay in mid-August had been opened by customs and ruined. [1] He was just eight days into his Australian tour and all of his work in Bombay seemed to have come to nought. Sestier was one of thirteen Lumière representatives charged with not only screening films but also making them. [2] With his Bombay films in dubious condition, what had Sestier achieved? In Sestier’s hands was the Cinématographe Lumière “almost the greatest scientific invention of the age?” [3]  [Fig. 1]

    [Fig. 1] “Living Photography”, The Times of India, 7 July 1896. Courtesy Mme Petitbois, Messers Sestier et Jeune. [MARIUS SESTIER COLLECTION] NFSA 799531

    There are long-held and oft-repeated claims originally made by Australian photographer Jack Cato, who, in describing the meeting between Sestier and Henry Walter Barnett, which apparently happened in Bombay, not only casts doubt on Sestier’s film making skills, he also implies that Sestier’s tour of the Cinématographe Lumière in that city was a failure.

    It was a colourful assignment, but a most difficult one owing to the heat and humidity which twisted and curled and perished the film. Sestier knew little about processing his film and was unable to test and examine his work as he went along…There in the Taj Mahal Hotel, Barnett met Sestier who was very disappointed with the reports on his work from Paris.

    John Baxter in The Australian Cinema (1970) embellishes Cato’s claims by adding that Sestier was “not a very talented operator” and, after receiving an “abusive letter” from his employers, was faced with having to return the machines if he didn’t do better. What’s more, according to Baxter: “the Lumières distrust of their employee was justified” when Sestier allegedly failed to properly develop the first films he had shot soon after his arrival in Sydney. [5] [6]

    Compounding the claims of Sestier’s ineffectiveness in India is the long gap between the close of Sestier’s tour in Bombay, on 15 August 1896, and the onset of significant national production, distribution and exhibition – whether by English, European or Indian nationals – until a number of years later. This was unlike elsewhere in the world where the moving image was enthusiastically embraced and film production progressed rapidly. [7] Adding ’fuel to the fire’ are commentators who have also brought into question Sestier’s choice of venues in Bombay, his ticket prices, and the audience to which he marketed the Cinématographe Lumière. [8]

    It is important to caution that Cato’s claims, which were made in 1955 in his book The Camera in Australia, were his recall and interpretation of a conversation with Barnett that had taken place decades earlier. [9] Although his claims have been repeated often, they have not been examined further and substantiated. For example, research into shipping records and newspaper reports is yet to find any information that would indicate Barnett was even in Bombay in 1896. Indeed, all reports so far researched indicate otherwise. Barnett’s last trip overseas prior to 1897 was not to India, but to England and Europe in 1894. [10] During the time Sestier was in Bombay (1 July 1896 to 15 August 1896), Barnett was not only getting ready to auction his home in Elizabeth Bay [11] , he was also between his two studios in Sydney and Melbourne, busy with portraits of American actors from the Brown-Potter Dramatic Company [12] , as well as working towards an exhibition by the artist Arthur Streeton. [13] And, if, as Cato claimed, Barnett met Sestier at the same time the latter received the dispiriting news from home office, then their meeting could not have been at the Taj Mahal Hotel for the simple reason that the Taj Mahal did not open until 1903. [14] Their meeting had to have happened in September 1896 in Sydney, as this is where Sestier received the telegram. The Australasian Photographic Review on 20 May 1897 contradicts the assertion made by Cato and others that Sestier was found lacking in his filmmaking skills. Instead, it indicates that Sestier had high standards and mentions that three films developed by Baker and Rouse, each 75 feet long, were to the complete satisfaction of Mons Sestier. [15]

    A closer examination of Sestier’s tour of Bombay is warranted to understand better the immediate impact that the Cinématographe Lumière had in Bombay, as well as its long-term impact on subsequent film production. By examining Sestier’s work in the context of Bombay society, and by understanding the city’s geographic location and the local business connections Sestier would have established upon his arrival, some unexpected findings strengthen, rather than belittle, his significance in the development of cinema in India.

    * * *

    Although Marius Ely Joseph Sestier (1861-1928) [Fig. 2] is identified as the sole Lumière representative to Bombay and Australia, he did not travel alone, but was accompanied by his wife Marie-Louise Puech (1873-1957), known as Marie-Rose [Fig. 3]. For a Cinématographe Lumière representative to be accompanied by their partner was unusual, but Marie-Rose’s background in business and her knowledge of English made her essential for the tours of the Cinématographe Lumière in both Bombay and Australia. According to a family source, the husband and wife team were a formidable force, and they had specific roles: Marie Rose was the financial manager whereas Marius was the operations manager. [16] Significantly, Marie-Rose’s participation in the dissemination of the Cinématographe Lumière in 1896 includes her as one of the first women to have an active role in the global phenomenon of cinema.

    [Fig. 2] Marius Sestier. Platinotype taken by Henry Walter Barnett, Australia 1896. Courtesy Mme Petitbois, Messers Sestier et Jeune. [Marius Sestier Collection] NFSA 1482833

    [Fig. 3] Marie-Louise Puech. Platinotype taken by Henry Walter Barnett, Australia 1896. Courtesy Mme Petitbois, Messers Sestier et Jeune. [Marius Sestier Collection] NFSA 1482925

    On 9 July 1896, The Bombay Gazette noted that the Sestiers were on their way to Australia to present the Cinématographe Lumière. Their Messageries Maritimes (MMS) tickets, which had been purchased on 3 June 1896, eleven days before departure from Marseilles, allowed for a stopover of up to four months before needing to embark for their contracted destination.

    The Sestiers had the option of taking an MMS route the Lignes D’Australie et De Nouvelle-Calédonie (The Australian and New Caledonia Route), which stopped at Port-Said, Suez, Aden, Colombo and Mahé before arriving in Australia. Instead, they took the Lignes de L’Indo-Chine (The Indo China Route), which passed through most of the same places but included a stop at Bombay after Colombo before heading to Indo China. [17] So, why did the Sestiers opt for a six-week stay in Bombay? Most likely because it was the Lumière’s plan to maximise exposure to their Cinématographe Lumière. The other ports were likely thought not to be commercially viable even as a short interlude on the way to Australia. The city of Bombay, however, was long considered a centre for business, trade and work opportunities, and with a large multicultural population, it was described as
    “a meeting place of the world”, a perfect place for the dissemination of the Cinématographe Lumière. [18]

    Bombay was also a hub for photographers with between thirteen to seventeen listed studios. As noted by Jacques Rittaud-Hutinet, the Lumières made good use of their global photographic connections – that is, those who purchased Lumière photographic supplies – to facilitate their Cinématographe operators. [19] This suggests it was very likely that a local photographic business was involved with the Sestiers in presenting the Cinématographe Lumière to Bombay society. Among the contenders were the studios of Bourne and Shepherd, Shapur N Bhedwar and Clifton & Co. [20]

    Disembarking at Apollo Bundar on 1 July 1896, the Sestiers would have immediately made their way to their hotel, presumably Watson’s Esplanade Hotel at 10 Esplanade Road, which was only a very short distance from their disembarkation point. There, the Sestiers found themselves within Bombay’s most affluent and influential district, populated by nationals and their well-educated families. It was also a district abuzz with European and English business activity. Confined to a few streets between Carnac Road to the north, Marine Street to the east, Esplanade Road to the south and Mayo Road to the west, the pretentions of the Cinématographe Lumière as the scientific invention of the century would, presumably, appeal to the district’s inhabitants who were known for their progressive thinking and community leadership.

    As Jean-Claude Seguin has pointed out, available evidence suggests that no arrangements were made prior to the arrival of the Sestiers in Bombay. Therefore, it was paramount that the Sestiers secure a venue for screenings and place publicity to advise potential audiences that the “marvel of the century” was about to be presented for the first time in their city. If they felt any trepidation over how they would achieve this, then it was not obvious:

    On ne peut pourtant pas ne pas être étonné par l’intelligence commerciale de Marius Sestier qui, dès son arrivée, prend des contacts, apprend la langue du pays ou fait passer de nombreux articles dans la presse bien avant qu’il ne sache où les projections auront lieu.

    [However, one can’t help but be astonished by the business sense of Marius Sestier who, upon his arrival, makes contacts, starts to learn the language, and arranges articles in the press well before he knows where the screenings would take place.]

    Astonishing as that may be, we must take into account that neither husband or wife were novices when it came to running a business – Marius with his own range of pharmaceutical products and pharmacy in Lyon, and Marie-Rose within the Puech-Raoux families’drapery business – and knew well how to establish contacts and exploit a market to their good advantage. [22] The Sestiers wasted little time and within 24 hours of their arrival, the first notification about the Cinématographe Lumière appeared on 2 July 1896 in The Advocate of India [Fig. 4].

    [Fig. 4] «The Living Photography », 2 July 1896, The Advocate of India. Courtesy Mme Petitbois, Messers Sestier et Jeune. [MARIUS SESTIER COLLECTION] NFSA 799531

    As an evening paper, The Advocate of India offered the first possible publication deadline that the Sestiers could meet. It was quite a feat to have arrived on 1 July, settled in, located a suitable newspaper, arranged a meeting and supplied the text in English in advance of editorial and printing deadlines for the next issue. Unlike today, many hours were needed to composite the text for printing. [23]

    Within six days of arrival, the Sestiers had organised further advertising, printed leaflets, posters and programmes. But the main issue was securing a suitable venue given that at this time all of Bombay’s theatres – The Gaiety, The Grant Road Theatre, The Tivoli Theatre, the Novelty Theatre and even the Town Hall – were engaged with shows. [24] The requirement for electricity to operate the Cinématographe Lumière most likely eliminated all but The Gaiety and The Novelty (as well as otherwise suitable vacant shop fronts or other commercial premises [25] ). Although the couple were seemingly at a loss, they still managed to secure two venues.

    In an unfamiliar location, by necessity the Sestiers relied on advice from those they trusted and, most importantly, with whom they could converse. It was fortunate that they found themselves within an enclave of French-speaking Europeans, which included the manager of Watson’s Hotel, the Swiss-French Louis Mercanton, and an internationally renowned hotelier. Mercanton leased the Grand Hall within the Hotel to the Sestiers between Tuesday 7 July and Saturday 11 July. The first presentation of the Cinématographe Lumière opened at 6pm and ran four 30-minute sessions through to 10pm. [26]

    Mercanton arrived in late 1895 and, although relatively new in Bombay, his job was to “know” his location in order to best serve his guests. The hotel’s original owner and builder, Englishman John Watson, described his hotel as “a place of favourite resort”, which could well be interpreted to include events such as the Cinématographe Lumière. [27] With all local venues occupied or unsuitable, Mercanton’s offer was a gesture of courtesy, but more likely made good business sense. Advertised as a scientific invention, the Cinématographe Lumière would appeal greatly to those attracted by the Victorian era’s predisposition to advance and popularise science, to become modern. This was not limited to Europeans or the English, as India’s well-educated nationals regarded science as the way to modernise India and move towards self-rule. For the Sestiers, these like-minded, educated professionals would readily grasp the scope of the Cinématographe Lumière.

    The theory was correct with several articles in the local press comparing the Cinématographe Lumière with its antecedents – the Zoetrope, Praxinoscope and the Kinetoscope – pointing out their limitations in view of the Cinématographe’s superiority in recording moving images, developing them and projecting them almost instantaneously.

    Fascination with the method of capturing the images was superseded by examinations of the nature of recording and replaying natural movement, the celluloid filmstrip and its speed of carriage through the Cinématographe for filming, and then replicating that speed for projecting present-day natural life:

    The pace with which the bande unrolls greatly varies. Sometimes the maximum speed is found, whilst others the bande is immobile…Whilst the bande is immobile the reproductions are similar, whilst on the converse when the band revolves the reproductions represent the different movements accomplished. The number of proofs represented are fifteen to the second, and a scene on the projector therefore of one minute represents 900 photographs.. [28]

    Information gleaned from Sestier’s papers indicates that Watson’s Grand Hall was indeed to be the venue for the first presentation of Cinématographe Lumière in Bombay. The Grand Hall, as an expeditiously available option, seemed to be a good venue because it was a generous space on the ground floor. But it was not ideal. Its many columns had prevented a clear and direct throw, which made it necessary to find a different space within the Hotel. According to two reports, the Cinématographe Lumière was moved to a smaller room, but that too caused problems. From 8 to 11 July, only 216 tickets were purchased (a number that would later be equalled or superseded per night). [29] The Hotel’s inability to allow the Cinématographe Lumière to be presented to its best advantage affected audience numbers:

    the operator is unable to have the instrument sufficiently removed from the canvas to make the figures life-size, and this has the further disadvantage that it makes the actors in each scene move about rather too quickly.[30]

    the cinematographe cannot be worked to advantage in a small room. The pictures have been well worth seeing but the science effect will be greatly enhanced when the exhibition is given in the Novelty Theatre, and the opportunity of seeing one of the latest scientific marvels of the age should not be lost.

    Prior to opening at Watson’s Hotel the Sestiers had secured three nights at The Novelty Theatre, one of the largest and most luxurious theatres in this part of the city. Established in 1887 by Messrs Cursetjee F. Baliwala and Dosabhoy F. Mogul, theatrical impresarios of the Victoria Theatrical Company, the Novelty had earned a reputation for both local amateur productions and cross-cultural, high profile and innovative presentations. In 1896, the theatre was under the management of Cowasjee Framji Mehta owner and editor of the Gujerati-English newspaper Kaiser-i-Hind, and English émigré Arthur Francis Soundy, who was the theatre’s booking agent and also the owner of the music store Soundy & Co.

    The Novelty Theatre’s dimensions of 50 metres long by 30 metres wide (and with no columns to hinder the view) provided an ample potential throw of 28 metres to the front of the stage from the rear of the seating, or a 21 metre throw from the front of the stage to the rear. With tiered seating for 1400 people plus secluded boxes for women in purdah, a ticket office, an orchestra pit, refreshment rooms and electricity, The Novelty was set to serve the Sestiers well.

    Stepping away from Watson’s Esplanade Hotel put the Sestiers into an environment where French was little spoken. But in the first few days of their arrival in Bombay they had invested wisely in an interpreter, Salvatore Colonnello, the son of Camillo Colonnello, an Italian specialty food importer on Medows Street. Salvatore Colonnello spoke local languages as well as French, English and Italian, a fact that was established during a court case in 1890. He likely assisted the Sestiers in negotiating for The Novelty Theatre. [32]

    Two days after closing at Watson’s Hotel, the Cinématographe Lumière re-opened on Tuesday 14 July at The Novelty. But as the audience settled into their seats, the lights dimmed and the presentation got underway, it became quite clear that something was wrong – the electricity supply was faulty. (There is some irony here in that science and technology had failed the scientific marvel of the century.) Tickets were refunded and future sessions cancelled, or at least until the electricity at The Novelty was repaired. [33]

    Mercanton and the Sestiers renegotiated for further sessions at the hotel from Thursday 16 July to Saturday 18 July. While there was a comparatively reasonable house of 66 people over the three sessions on the Thursday night, there were heavy rains on the Friday and as a result there was only one session on Saturday. [34] As the days passed, the possibility of returning to the Novelty was in doubt and so the Sestiers brought in an electrical engineer, Archibald Allan Crawford, [35] a French-speaking Scot who had worked at Volkart Brothers during that company’s installation of electricity at Watson’s Hotel in 1892. Crawford left the company that same year to take on the Bombay Electric Company, the office of which was nearby. Crawford arranged the hire of a portable generator from the Bombay Port Trust and on 21 July the Novelty Theatre re-opened, lights blazing in a deep arch at the entrance.

    Finally, the Cinématographe Lumière could be experienced in the best possible environment. But Sestier, most likely to honour the agreement with Mercanton or possibly because The Novelty was booked for another purpose, still alternated sessions between Watson’s Hotel and The Novelty until the 28 July when the Cinématographe Lumière was moved permanently to The Novelty. Sessions by this time were reduced to one or two per evening instead of four-to-five, even though The Novelty was obviously accessible to a broader demographic. [36]

    It is significant to note that the Cinématographe Lumière had no audience for any of its sessions on the nights of the 22nd and 25th of July at Watson’s Hotel. Bad weather would likely have been the culprit for lack of attendance, as meteorological reports of the time tell of heavy rains and wind speeds up to 50kph. But if the weather were the only cause then there would not have been any audiences at either venue throughout that week. Nor would there have been audiences at the Novelty on 28 July when Bombay had battered down because of a cyclone, and yet 93 rupees were taken across two sessions. [37]

    Another explanation for the lack of attendance at Watson’s Hotel is that a live comedy act by Carl Gunnery had begun there, which may have distracted audiences. [38] Both the weather and Carl Gunnery’s live act would have contributed to keeping the public away from Cinématographe Lumière. But what needs to be remembered is that the Cinématographe Lumière was at its best when films were projected onto a large screen with an uninterrupted view, and in a comfortable and amenable environment. These, The Novelty provided, and the public responded:

    By desire of a large number of residents, who, in spite of bad weather, have gone to see the Lumière cinematographe, the patentee has obtained a fresh lease of the Novelty Theatre. [39]

    The Cinematographe is giving good results at the Novelty and Mons. Seister [sic] deserves the patronage of our Bombay public. [40]

    Although this wonderful invention has been on view in Bombay for some weeks now it continues to draw fairly good audiences night after night at the Novelty Theatre. [41]

    All who have not seen this truly wonderful exhibition are recommended to visit the Theatre, both Europeans and Native alike. [42]

    How the public responded is evidenced by the final box office takings of 4706.80 Francs. [43]

    As to the composition of audiences, it is worth noting that from 19 July the Sestiers sought exposure in at least two dual language newspapers, [44] [Fig 5] and in early August had reached out to non-Europeans in English language papers, as typified by the following example from The Times of India on 5 August 1896:

    It is to be hoped that our Parsee and native friends, who perhaps are unaware of this unique and excellent show, will make up their minds to give a treat to themselves and to the members of their families that can rarely be equaled.

    [Fig.5] [Cinematographe] 19 July 1896, Kaiser-i-Hind. Courtesy Mme Petitbois, Messers Sestier et Jeune. [MARIUS SESTIER COLLECTION] NFSA 799531

    The day before, 4 August, the Sestiers had also organised four sandwich board porters to walk around Bombay and promote the Cinématographe Lumière in Gujerati or Marathi languages. [45]

    Changes to the presentation were made approximately 20 days before the Sestiers would close their tour. There were no further presentations at Watson’s Hotel after 25 July, and to increase conviviality and, of course, audience numbers at the Novelty Theatre for the remaining presentations, the Sestiers made purchases of various items such as plumes of feathers, fresh water and, for two sessions, snake charmers. Audiences had apparently been calling for greater value:

    It has often been suggested that the exhibition of the Cinematographe might be made even more attractive than they are if they were interspersed with some other form of entertainment. [46]

    On 8 August, three special sessions were advertised (which turned out to be four) in which Soundy & Co music store employee Frederick Seymour Dove (1863-1920) was to play music. From around 1890 onwards, Dove was recognised as Bombay’s finest pianist and had much experience in performance and accompaniment. But he was not engaged to accompany the films, as this would interfere with the narration, but to play between screenings. [47]

    The Bombay Gazette on 13 August described the four sessions as:

    a distinct success. The selections of music played under the direction of Mr F. Seymour Dove very appropriate to the realistic character of the spectacle presented on the canvas.

    In these last weeks of the tour, an increase in the number of films screened would have drawn bigger audiences, but it was the addition of music (especially on the final three nights which showed record box office takings) that proved to be a game changer. Incorporating musical performance into the film program shifted the ‘marvel of the century’ from the realm of science to the more profitable arena of popular entertainment.

    But what about the price of tickets, was it necessary for Sestier to set a standard ticket price at 1 rupee? The admission price of 1 rupee has been considered discriminatory towards Indian nationals. However, a comparison with other contemporaneous ticket prices is revealing, particularly in view of the claim by Erik Barnouw and Subrahmanyam Krishnaswamy, in the book Indian Film (1963), that Sestier set the benchmark for all future film box office in India. They also assert that the Lumière brothers and their operators had an arrangement allowing the operators to set their own ticket prices. [48]

    The following are theatrical events advertised in The Bombay Gazette that were concurrent with the Sestiers’ time in Bombay. They show that staggered pricing was an established practice before the arrival of the Cinématographe Lumière:

    * 29 June 1896 for 2-3 July. Miss Annie May Abbott aka The Little Georgia Magnet at the Tivoli Theatre: Rupees 3, 2 or 8 annas
    * 6 July 1896 for 9 July. Grand Masonic Concert at the Town Hall: Rupees 3, 2, or 1
    * 18 July 1896. Mr Carl S Gunnery at Watson’s Esplanade Hotel: Rupees 3 and 2
    * 14 August 1896 for 20 August. The Thespian Club at the Novelty Theatre: Rupees 3, 2 or 1

    The comparison makes clear that the ticket price of 1 rupee at Watson’s Hotel represented a substantial discount. Even when the Cinématographe Lumière moved to The Novelty Theatre, ticket prices of 2 rupees, 1 rupee and 8 annas represented a one-third reduction on prices for other events. The Sestiers had also introduced a budget ticket price of 4 annas.

    There are several points to consider here. The first is that the setting of a single ticket price was standard at Cinématographe Lumière presentations around the world and was based on local market prices. The price of a ticket at the Lumière venue in Lyon was 50 centimes; in Australia the ticket price was 1 shilling for adults and 6 pence for children, which was fairly standard for amusements; and in New York patrons were charged 50 cents or 25 cents depending on the location of seating.

    Second, Sestier’s prices represented substantial discounts and made good business sense in having to adapt to the sub-continent summer conditions. In 1896, drought conditions prevailed and many of Bombay’s inhabitants moved to cooler mountain climates. A reduction in price was a way to entice inhabitants out of their homes in stifling heat, especially at night. But the Sestiers were not losing money as, at the time, 1 rupee was worth 1 franc 40 centimes, almost three times the 50 centimes charged in Lyon. [49] This meant a good return could be delivered even if audience attendance in Bombay was lower in comparison to elsewhere in the world.

    Third, admission prices may not have been the reason for the lack of attendance by Indian nationals. At that time, Indian nationals rarely engaged in activities beyond the home that were not religious and thus necessarily segregated, or traditional such as theatrical presentations of classic Indian tales. Socialising was often linked to religious ritual and the caste system (and included specific dietary requirements). Going out to a non-sectarian public event was fraught with the potential for religious and class contamination. [50]

    The Bombay season of Cinématographe Lumière closed on 15 August due to the need to return the generator to the Port Trust. After a short trip to Poona (Pune) [51] Marius and Marie-Rose Sestier went on to Colombo the capital of Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) to resume their journey to Australia. But in Bombay, nothing! That is, there was no other film activity for at least a year after their departure. There was no other projecting device, no one advocated an Edison, Paul, Demenÿ or other manufacturer to take advantage of the void when the Sestiers had left, as had happened elsewhere in the world. Bombay appeared to be done with the moving image.

    It is easy to point a finger at the practices of the Sestiers for failing to inspire the locals to immediately take up the moving image. But Bombay’s situation was unlike anywhere else in the world where the Cinématographe Lumière was presented. Climatic conditions cannot be overlooked as a reason for the relative poor box office takings (although it should be noted that other than the Sestiers’ Australian takings there is little evidence from other Lumière representatives of their own box office earnings) [52] . When the Cinématographe Lumière sessions in Bombay were reduced to only one or two per day, this was due to an atypical period of drought, several months of hot dry conditions 24 hours a day with only a sporadic period of rain. Even when the rain did come on 9 July 1896, it was heavy and continuous for a fortnight. In Bombay’s Fort precinct, which was less than three kilometres from both Watson’s Esplanade Hotel and The Novelty Theatre, rainfall was reported to have been 24 inches (61cms) over the average. But overall the mean temperature was 29 degrees Celsius in the shade and 80 per cent humidity. The populace was exhausted from the heat and, as was customary during India’s summer months, many moved to the cool of the mountains, thus reducing Bombay’s population and the potential audience for the Cinématographe. [53]

    If all of this added up to a difficult market within which to work, the situation worsened as the unusual drought conditions caused vermin populations to explode, and without the regular heavy monsoon rains to wash away the city’s filth, the spread of bubonic plague had commenced. In the last weeks of the Sestiers’ stay in August 1896, there was a 20 per cent increase in deaths across Bombay. Fear of contracting the disease was escalating even though the official number of deaths was not recorded until late September.

    After the Sestiers had left, both the local and foreign press reported that widespread panic had set in and thousands were leaving the city. As a measure of the fear and danger of contracting the disease, it was specifically noted that the staff and management of Watson’s Hotel had departed. Shops, markets, offices and clubs lost their staff and customers. All dwellings, offices, public spaces had to be kept meticulously clean. Movement of people in and out of the city was restricted and everyone had to be given an all clear before they could proceed. By January 1897, Bombay was barely populated. When the emergency was finally declared to be under control on 27 August 1897, of the 12,795 cases recorded, 10,813 had died. The visitation of bubonic plague had to have played a significant role in stymying the dissemination of the Cinématographe Lumière in India at that time. [54]

    As daily life resumed once the spread of bubonic plague was contained, so too did public entertainments. There are a number of significant connections that point to how the influence of the Sestiers’ tour of the Cinématographe Lumière extended beyond their stay.

    In July 1896 when Salvatore Colonnello began as the Sestiers’ interpreter, so did his immersion in all things cinema. But the Colonnellos were not the only Italians in Bombay. The Sestiers frequented a high-class bakery on Medows Street run by Felice Cornaglia. In October 1907, just over a decade after the Sestiers had left Bombay, Salvatore Colonnello and a member of the Cornaglia family combined their interests to establish the Excelsior Cinématographe, a tent show on the Maidan. Using their insider contacts in Bombay’s municipal government, they successfully allayed concerns raised over public safety in Bombay’s cinema tent shows, particularly around the issue of fire. So popular were their tent shows that the Excelsior Cinématographe became the target of a take-over bid by the Excelsior Cinematograph Syndicate led by A. R. Bilimoria. On 28 May 1910, the Excelsior Cinema opened at The Novelty Theatre with Salvatore Colonello, recognised for his vast experience in distribution and exhibition, as its manager. [55] [Fig. 6]

    [Fig. 6] For many years the Novelty alternated between film shows and live performance. The Novelty Cinematographe. Postcard c. 1907-1910. Private Collection.

    Arthur Francis Soundy, booking agent for the Novelty Theatre and owner of the Soundy & Co music store, had a personal interest in photography, having run a controversial natural colour photography competition in 1865. [56] But it was his son, Harry Clifton (1863-1922), who was the more prominent photographer in the family. In 1895, he had left his position as manager of Bourne and Shepherd’s studio in Esplanade Street and opened Clifton & Co on Medows Street. [57] Just over a year after the Sestiers’ departure, Clifton presented animated pictures for almost a month from 18 September through to 12 October 1897 using a William Charles Hughes’ Moto-Scope. [58] It seems that only two films were made for the Moto-Scope, but only one of them, Cocoanut Fair, which relates to the Hindu Festival Narali Poornima, may have been made in Bombay when the festival was celebrated on 12 August. [59]

    The second film, Our Indian Empire, was actually made up of two films, Delhi, The Rome of Asia and Lucknow, Great Imambara Palace, and was clearly not made in Bombay. It’s doubtful that Indian nationals had made these films, but there is also no evidence that they were made by Clifton. [60] Even if they were, Clifton was not among the first to present films in Bombay since the departure of the Sestiers. That was P. A. Stewart in January 1897. [61] The same can be said of Bengal-based photographer Albert Adolf Meztker who, on 25 August 1897, presented a program of tinted Queen Victoria Jubilee Procession films at the Framjee Cowasjee Hall, an educational institution. [62]

    However, at the bottom of an advertisement in The Bombay Gazette on 22 September, it reads that Clifton was an “Agent for Films and Projecting Machines. Films Developed and Printed”, which indicates he may also have made films. Cocoanut Fair therefore being made twelve days prior to opening in Bombay. In late October, Clifton’s father, Arthur Francis Soundy, presented a Grand Exhibition of Animated Photographs at The Novelty projected by an unknown machine, perhaps taking over from his son for a few nights. [63] There are no details available on how well any of these presentations were patronised to determine the uptake amongst the population. But combined they mark the beginning of continuous regular programming of the moving image in Bombay.

    When the plague was said to be under control, as noted above, Harry Clifton and his father Arthur Francis Soundy [Fig.7] began screening films as soon as it was permitted and safe to do so. Although Clifton does not appear to have continued after October 1897, as manager of The Novelty Theatre, Soundy frequently screened films until the theatre’s refurbishment began in 1907. [64] One of Soundy’s more interesting bookings was the magician Carl Hertz, who incorporated film presentations into his magic act. Included were films of the Melbourne Cup, possibly from 1896 but more likely 1897, and of Indian-born cricketer Prince Ranjitsinjhi, who had been filmed in Sydney at the end of 1897. The films made in 1897 were shot using the Cinématographe Lumière, once owned by Sestier. [65]

    [Fig. 7] Arthur Francis Soundy (1836-1911). Courtesy Sylvia Murphy.

    But Arthur Soundy, his son Harry Clifton and Salvatore Colonnello were not the only ones in Bombay in 1896 to be attracted to the moving image. There was also photographer Harishchandra Sakharam Bhatvadekar (1868-1958), better known as Save Dada. The Sestiers’ most significant impact on a national film industry can be traced to Save Dada. He went to the Novelty Theatre sometime after 27 July 1896, and he was so fascinated by the moving image that he purchased a Lumière Cinématographe in or soon after May 1897 when they became available for sale to the public. Although dates are blurry, Dada is credited as the first Indian national to successfully make and screen actuality films. According to various texts, he set up and filmed a wrestling demonstration at Bombay’s Hanging Gardens between two famous wrestlers, Krishna Nahvi and Pundalik Dada. The film is simply titled Wrestlers. Another of Dada’s films, Man and Monkeyˇ, shows the training of circus animals. Both films were screened at Bombay’s Gaiety Theatre. [66]

    In December 1901, Dada used his Cinématographe Lumière to make what are thought to be the first Indian-produced news films. The films, as described by Madan Gaur in Other Side of the Coin, An Intimate Study of the Indian Film Industry, are “The landing of Sir Muncherjee M. Bhownaggree”, “The return to India of Senior Wrangler R[ughnath].P[urshotum]. Paranjpe” and “The Renovation of a Parsi fire temple”. [67] Dada also went on to film the 1902 Imperial Durbar, an official mass assembly organised to celebrate the Coronation of Edward VII as Emperor of India. There is no indication that he made anything other than topical, actuality or news films. But by the time he sold his Cinématographe Lumière in 1903, Save Dada had made a total of 20 local films. [68]

    If Marius Sestier is to be criticised for his choice of venues (particularly Watson’s Hotel), ticket prices and publicity campaigns in Bombay, it cannot be because of his lack of business acumen or misunderstanding of both the commercial and creative potential of the Cinématographe Lumière. To the contrary, Sestier exhibited a razor-sharp ability to adapt to changing circumstances – whether because of the unavailability of venues, inappropriate venues, electricity failures, harsh weather, or an epidemic – in a populous and ethnically diverse city such as Bombay. The impact of the Cinématographe Lumière on film production, distribution and exhibition in Bombay may not have been immediately perceived after the Sestiers had left, but the development of a national cinema in the years to come can still be traced back to the connections the Sestiers made in July 1896. This was their legacy.

    * * *


    At the start of this article I described the unfortunate news that the films Marius Sestier shot in Bombay were ruined when they were shipped back to France. I believe it is important to reflect on what the subjects of those films might have been. From our knowledge of typical Lumière films from 1896, we can imagine street scenes, the Apollo Bunder and the surrounds of the harbour, the religious ceremonies practised on the Maidan, the trains at Victoria Station or Poona, and perhaps the Poona races.

    However, amongst Sestiers’ papers are records of expenses for the upkeep of the Cinématographe Lumière and for filming. [69] There are three items which could relate to filming in Bombay and India:

    1. Charmeurs 2 Séances: 6 rupees. Refers to the snake charmers hired to appear at the Novelty Theatre. It would make sense for Sestier to have filmed them.
    2. Colombo frais: 10 rupees. The Sestiers arrived in Colombo 27 August to wait for their connection to Australia on 2 September. Costs for the Cinématographe Lumière in Colombo indicate either they screened films or had made films.
    3. Fête Cocos dépense: 8 rupees. This refers to the Cocoanut Festival or Fair, which took place in Bombay on 22 August 1896. Perhaps the film Cocoanut Fair, which was screened in 1897, was inspired by a version filmed by Sestier. Or, given that Cocoanut Fair was made by persons unknown, perhaps this film was Sestier’s, which for some reason was not included in his shipment to France and had survived.

    Also included in Sestier’s records of expenses are 9 rupees for the postal services which may have been for the films from Bombay on Friday 31 July 1896. [70] Research shows that between 1895 and 1899,”Foreign Parcels” were sent at a rate of 4 annas (or a quarter rupee) for 40 grams. Assuming the 9 rupees were all for parcel freight, then Sestier had shipped almost six kilos of film. Of interest here is a method of postage called “Parcel Packet” which was defined as “an article posted in a wrapping or covering, the ends of which are not closed against inspection of its contents”. [71] This might explain why the package came apart at customs, or, and more likely, custom officials simply opened something they found unusual. It’s likely that the history of the Sestiers’ time in Bombay would have be written differently had customs not opened the package and the films survived.

    [1] Lumière to Sestier, 24 September 1896 [Marius Sestier Collection] 1467275, [10].
    [2] Jean-Claude Seguin and Michelle Aubert eds. La Production Cinématographique des Frères Lumière (Lyon: Aubert et Seguin, BIFI, 1995), p. 415.
    [3] “Living Photography”, The Times of India, 7 July 1896. The title of this essay is taken from the first sentence of this article, which is without the word ‘almost’.
    [4] Jack Cato, The Camera in Australia (Victoria: Georgian House, 1955), pp. 114-117. If nothing else, Cato’s claims have at least provided an impetus to unearth hard evidence that would back up his claims.
    [5] John Baxter, The Australian Cinema (Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1970), pp. 2-4.
    [6] October 2, 2015, Vieux Comptoir, rue des Lavandiäres-Saint-Opportune, Paris, in conversation with the author, Sestier family member, Bernard Jeune, reported that the Lumières considered the Sestiers to be the most honest operators, particularly in regard to financial returns.
    [7] John Barnes,The Beginnings of the Cinema in England. (London: David & Charles 1976), pp. 201-221. The duration between the close of Sestier’s stay and the beginning of local production is in comparison to other countries. For example, in England Trewey’s presentation of the Cinématographe Lumière in February 1896 had been preceded by R.W Paul and Birt Acres making films for the Kinetoscope, Paul’s Theatrograph and Acres Kinetic Camera amongst others.
    [8] Examples include: FitzSimons, Trish and Pat Laughren and Dugald Williamson, Australian Documentary: History, Practices and Genres, Port Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 2011, p. 33-34. Ganti, Tejaswini, Bollywood: A Guidebook to Popular Hindi Cinema, New York: Routledge, 2004, p. 6. Shirley, Graham and Brian Adams, Australian Cinema, the First Eighty Yearsˇ, Angus & Robertson, 1983, p. 7. A common thread throughout many descriptions of these first screenings in India is that Watson’s Hotel barred Indians. However, research shows this was not the case. The Hotel was certainly elite but all nationalities were welcome from its opening in 1871 through to its sale in 1885 when it was purchased by the Nizar Sirdar Abdul Haqq Diler Jang Bahadur of Hyderabad, a Muslim. The Nizam refurbished the hotel and it remained in his family until its sale in the 1910s. “The Esplanade (Watson’s) Hotel”, The Times of India, February 1, 1871; “Building”, The Architect, April 22, 1871; “Wills and Bequests”, The Standard, January 22, 1898; “Sales by Auction”, The Times of India, January 8, 1910. Nergish Sunavala, “Lecture on old Bombay hotels debunks myths, unearths scandals” The Times of India, April 21 2016. Accessed October 15, 2016
    [9] In his memoir “I Can Take It” Cato admitted to hero worshipping Barnett and appears to have taken all Barnett’s claims at face value. However, it is worth noting that one of Barnett’s oldest friends, Aaron Blashki, reveals in his memoir that in 1896 Barnett was in debt and almost broke. Blashki also speaks about Barnett’s tendency to sweeping statements and self-aggrandisement. Blashkiana: The Memoirs of Aaron Blashki JP (1860-1938). (Victoria: Australian Jewish Historical Society, 2005), p. 67.
    [10] “Personalities”, Photographic Review of Reviews (Sydney), 1 July 1894 , p. 9.
    [11] “Auctions”, The Sydney Morning Herald, 7 September 1896, p. 2.
    [12] Melbourne Punch, 4 June 1896, p. 81; and The Bulletin, 6 June 1896, p. 8.
    [13] Streeton to Barnett 1896. Papers of W.H. Gill, 1896-1939, MLMSS 285.
    [14] “Citizen Jamsetji”, accessed 15 October 2016,; and “10 Things to Know About the Taj Mahal Palace Hotel”, accessed 15 October 2016, article by Rachel Lopez, posted 5 January 2012,
    [15] Australasian Photographic Review, 20 May 1897, p. 27.
    [16] Bernard Jeune, e-mail message to author, January 13, 2012. Puech family documents were sent concerning Marie-Rose’s prizes at school including in English: Couvent de L’Assomption: 1ére Division, Anglais, Prix, Mérité, par Marie Rose Puech, Nîmes, 24 Juillet 1889; Jean-Claude Seguin, “Marius Sestier, Operateur Lumière Inde-Australie: Juillet 1896-Mai 1897”,1895 Juin (16) 1994, pp. 34-58.
    [17] Album de la Compagnie des Messageries Maritimes 1895. (Paris: Administration Centrale, 1895); “Accident to the Yarra: The New Australian Service” The Times of India, August 23, 1895, p. 6.
    [18] Tindall, Gillian, City of Gold: The Biography of Bombay. London: Temple Smith, 1982, p. 17. Tindall likens ancient and modern Bombay to New York, London and Tokyo as one of the world’s powerhouses for trade and as a cultural melting pot.
    [19] Rittaud-Hutinet, Jacques, Le Cinéma des Origines: Les Frères Lumière et Leurs Operateurs. France: Champ Vallon, 1985, Part 1. The first part discusses methods of seeking operators and training them.
    [20] Thacker’s Indian Directory 1895. Calcutta: Thacker, Spink and Co, 1895, 1182; Kathryn Hansen, “Parsi Theatre and The City: Locations, patrons, audiences”, Sarai Reader 2002: The Cities of Everyday Life, (2002): 47, accessed July 2, 2016. “Photography by Electric Light”. The Times of India. April 24, 1895, p. 5.
    [21] Jean-Claude Seguin, “Marius Sestier, Operateur Lumière Inde-Australie: Juillet 1896-Mai 1897”, 1895 Juin (16) 1994, pp. 34-58.
    [22] Fréderic Guy, ed. Indicateur lyonnais Henry: annuaire commercial, administratif et judiciaire de la ville de Lyon et du département du Rhône. Lyon: 1886-1928; Le Progrès Illustré, supplément littéraire du Progrès de Lyon. December 11, 1892, 7; Marius Sestier Brevet 2835, 5 November 1892 and Brevet 3107, 14 April 1894.
    [23] “Bombay Today: The Living Photography”, The Advocate of India, July 2, 1896; Seguin, “Marius Sestier”,p. 57; Pat Lovett. Journalism in India. (Calcutta: The Banna Publishing Co, 1900), 27-30, 77-87; [Marius Sestier Collection] 1467275 [3];
    [24] “The Gaiety Theatre”, The Times of India, 6 November, 1881,p. 5.
    [25] “Living Pictures in the Kinetoscope”, The Times of India, December 7, 1895,p. 5. A shop front had been the venue for Edison’s Kinetoscope when it was exhibited at 65 Esplanade Road. Batteries were used to power the machines as wired-in electricity was hard to locate.
    [26] The Swiss born married couple Louis Mercanton (1855-1905) and Marie-Emilie Lozeron (1853-1895) were often the focus of high praise such as “The Waterloo Cup: The Draw”. Manchester Courier and Lancashire General Advertiser, March 13, 1895: “The dinner was served in the splendid style one has been accustomed to on similar occasions at the Adelphi. It would, therefore, be superfluous to mention here that Mr. Mercanton, the popular manager, rivalled all his previous efforts in that direction”; After Marie-Emilie’s death in May 1895, Mercanton took a job as manager at Watson’s Hotel arriving in Bombay in December 1895. It’s interesting to note that Mercanton was the father of the great film producer and director Louis Mercanton. At the time of the Sestier’s visit Mercanton junior had completed school in England and may have been visiting his father in Bombay. The suggestion that the young man was inspired by the Cinématographe Lumière presented by the Sestiers is raised; 1891, United Kingdom Census RG12/2195, a record of the Mercanton’s son at Abbotsholme a progressive school in Derbyshire; [Marius Sestier Collection] 799531 [30].
    [27] “The Esplanade (Watson’s Hotel)”, The Times of India, February 1, 1871. Describes the intention of the Hotel to be “a place of favourite resort”.
    [28] “Living Photography”, The Times of India, July 7 1896.
    [29] [Marius Sestier Collection] 1467275 [3] There are no box office receipts given for 7 July 1896 the first night of screening. Rupees 784 is marked against the first night in the column for Receipts. However, this Rs784 is referred to as Capital from there onwards. It would seem very odd that 784 people paying 1 rupee each attend the 5 sessions of the opening night and only 37 people the following night. It’s possible this first screening was used as a preview session, perhaps by invitation as was done in Australia as reported in “Lumière’s Cinématographe”, The Daily Telegraph, September 26, 1896.
    [30] “Exhibition of the Cinematographe” The Bombay Gazette, July 9, 1896,p. 5.
    [31] “The Cinématographe”,The Bombay Gazette, July 11, 1896, p. 5.
    [32] [Marius Sestier Collection] 1467275 [3, 8] There are several lines for fees paid to “Colonello” for translation services. Salvatore Colonello (18?-19?), was the son of Camillo Colonnello. The Colonnello family arrived in Bombay in the 1880s where they opened an imported food business at 105 Medows Street. In 1890 Salvatore was in court involved in an obscene postcard and photographic sales scandal and in the newspaper report of Times of India 23 August 1890 Salvatore is revealed to be a French speaker. After the scandal Camillo Colonello disowned his son in a public statement. Salvatore was one of several siblings and until the Cinématographe Lumière arrived his career path was unsettled.
    [33] [Marius Sestier Collection] 1467275, [3, 4]. It is notable that there is no account line for the July 14, 1896 which would have indicated an estimated audience.
    [34] [Marius Sestier Collection] 1467275, [3, 4]. Against the dates July 17 and 18 are indicated “pluie” (rain) and “1 Séance” (one session or performance).
    [35] [Marius Sestier Collection] 1467275, [3, 7, 9]; Who’s who India, (Calcutta: Tyson & Company, 1927), 58. Archibald Allan Crawford (1863-1952) Born in Edinburgh into an artistic and musical family, his father, William Crawford A.R.S.A, a portrait painter of some distinction, and his mother, Theodosia Yonge Müller, a pianist from a musical family. Crawford worked and trained in Scotland as a mechanical engineer and he graduated as an electrical engineer from the Zurich Polytechnikum after which he worked in Italy and Russia; “Electrical Appliances”, The Times of India, May 5, 1890 and “Bombay Art Society”, The Times of India, February 3, 1891, “Electric Lighting in Bombay”, The Times of India September 8, 1894, “Cotton Fires”, The Times of India May 19, 1914.
    [36] “The Marvel of the Century”, Bombay Gazette, July 22, 1896.
    [37] “The Weather”, Bombay Gazette, July 23, 1896, records 2 to 3 inches falling on 22 July in the Esplanade and Fort districts respectively. “The Weather”, Bombay Gazette, July 27, 1896, records 3 to 2 inches falling on 26 July in the Esplanade and Fort districts respectively. “The Weather”, Bombay Gazette, July 29, 1896, records winds speeds for Bombay of between 79 and 83 MPH for July 28.
    [38] “Carl Gunnery”, Bombay Gazette, July 20, 1896.
    [39] “The Cinématographe”, The Bombay Gazette, July 27, 1896
    [40] “The Cinématographe”, The Times of India, July 29, 1896
    [41] “The Cinématographe”, The Bombay Gazette, August 8, 1896, p. 5
    [42] [Marius Sestier Collection] 799531 [33].
    [43] Using the contemporary exchange rate this amount approximates £187.00, or in today’s money around $AUD3200.00. [Marius Sestier Collection] 1467275 [3]. Seguin, 48; [Marius Sestier Collection] 1467275 [6, 23]; [Marius Sestier Collection] 799531 [34, 38].
    [44] Kaiser-i-Hind 19 July 1896, Bombay Samachar 27 July 1896 [Marius Sestier Collection] [India Press Clippings: Scrapbook], 1896. NFSA No 799531 [35, 36]
    [45] Seguin, 48; [Marius Sestier Collection] 1467275 [6, 23]; [Marius Sestier Collection] 799531 [34, 38].
    [46] [Marius Sestier Collection] 1467275 [7, 24]; [No heading], The Bombay Gazette, August 11, 1896, 4; April 14, 2011, Grenoble, France, in conversation with the author, Madame Marie Rose Gavend, nee Sestier, said her great grandmother, Marie Rose Puech complained, “We lived above but down below were snakes”. Mme Gavend did not know to which country was referred but the reference may have been to India’s famous snake charmers.
    [47] Frederick Seymour Dove (1862-1920), the eldest son of Frederick Dove and Sarah Anne Seymour, two London families steeped in music and piano making, arrived in Bengal where he married Amy Jane Westwood in 1887 and a year later their daughter Gladys Amy was born. Three years later the couple had settled in Bombay and Dove began work as a clerk at Soundy & Co. “The Scottish Orphanage Concert in the Town Hall”, The Times of India, February 14, 1890, p. 4, “Miss Maggie Ford’s Entertainment”, The Times of India, July 7, 1890, p. 4. His first public performances were noted respectively as showing “care and attention worth listening to..”and “..a complete master of the instrument”.
    [48] Barnouw, Erik and S. Krishnaswamy. Indian Film. (Columbia: Columbia University Press. 1963); Rittaud-Hutinet, Jacques. Le Cinéma des Origines: Les Frères Lumière et Leurs Operateurs, (France: Champ Vallon, 1985).
    [49] [Marius Sestier Collection] 1467275 [3]. This is the Sestiers’ own estimated exchange rate.
    [50] Frank F. Conlon, “Dining Out in Bombay”, in Consuming Modernity: Public Culture in a South Asian World, ed. Carol A Brekenridge. (Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 1995), pp. 91-127; Tindall, City of Gold, pp. 17-39; Jim Masselos. “Spare Time and Recreation: Changing Behaviour Patterns in Bombay at the Turn of the Nineteenth Century”, South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, (6/2) 1983, pp. 34-57. With hundreds of different cultures in India the complexities of entertainment, relaxation and personal time is beyond the scope of this essay.
    [51] [Marius Sestier Collection] 1467275 [9]. What the Sestiers did in Poona or how long they stayed is unknown.
    [52] “Meteorological Observations”, The Bombay Gazette, July 7 to August 15, 1896; Seguin, “Marius Sestier”, pp. 56-57.
    [53] “Meteorological Observations”, The Bombay Gazette, July 7 to August 15, 1896.
    [54] R, Nathan, ed., “Reported plague seizures and deaths in Bombay Presidency and Goa from the beginning of outbreak up to the 27th August 1897. Appendix III: Statistical Statements”, The Plague in India, 1896, 1897, Vol II Appendices I to VI, (Simla: Indian Civil Services, Government of India, Home Department), 1898, pp. 109-113.
    [55] “Amusements: “Excelsior” Cinematograph: The Greatest of All Living Picture Shows”. The Bombay Gazette, October 11. 1907 “Local and Provincial: To-Day’s Engagements: The Week’s Calendar: Excelsior Cinématographe”, The Times of India, October 15, 1907, 5; “Excelsior Cinématographe”, The Times of India, May 24, 1910; Kaushik Bhaumik, “Cinématographe to Cinema: Bombay 1896-1928”, Bioscope: South Asian Screen Studies, 2 (1) (2011): 47, accessed March 4, 2011; Chinoy, Pioneering in Indian business. 52-55. The Excelsior Cinématograph Syndicate included members of the City of Bombay Building Co including Ardeshir R. Bilimora and Sultan Chinoy. Other members included business and municipal leaders Fazalbhoy Meherally Chinoy, Pallonji Edulji and A.M. Madan.
    [56] “A Challenge”, The Times of India, August 15, 1865; “Photographs in Natural Colours: To the Editor of The Times of India”, The Times of India, August 22, 1865, p. 2; Sylvia Murphy, e-mail messages to author, March 19, 2009. In correspondence between 16 March and 27 May 2009 Sylvia Murphy, descendant of Arthur Francis Soundy, has graciously shared her findings with me. Soundy’s activity with all things theatrical, musical and photographic since his arrival in Bombay in the 1850s puts him in the forefront of the Sestiers’ key associates
    [57] “Clifton & Co, Photographers” (Bombay), accessed 5 June, 2016. Father and son seem likely to have had a more significant role than indicated in this essay.
    [58] “Animated Photographs-Living Pictures: Clifton and Co”, The Times of India, September 18, 1897; Hopwood, Henry V, Living Pictures: Their History, Photo-Production and Practical Working, London: Optician & Photographic Trades Review, 1899, pp. 139-141; “Advertisement: W.C. Hughes, Specialist in Optical Projection”, The Optical Magic Lantern Journal and Photographic Enlarger, 8.100 1897: xix; Who’s Who of Victorian Cinema: William Charles Hughes and Who’s Who of Victorian Cinema: John Alfred Prestwich The Moto-Scope may have taken 65mm and 35mm film stock. For some information about W.C. Hughes and his projection systems.
    [59] “Cocoanut Day”, The Times of India, August 13, 1897, p. 4. Coconuts are thrown into the sea as an offering to Lord Varuna to calm the seas after monsoon.
    [60] Rangoonwalla, Indian Filmography, [1] and Gaur, Madan, Other side of the coin [321]
    [61] “Stewart’s Vitugraph [sic]”, The Bombay Gazette, January 5, 1897, p. 3. ”Local and Provincial: Stewart’s Vitagraph” The Times of India, January 6, 1897, p. 3.
    [62] “Living Pictures: Extraordinary: The Jubilee Procession”, The Times of India, August 25, 1897, p. 2.
    [63] “Novelty Theatre: Grand Exhibitions of Animated Photographs”, The Times of India, October 20, 1897.
    [64] “The King of Cards”, The Times of India, January 13, 1898; “Public Notifications. Novelty Theatre: The Delroy Season”, The Times of India, February 2, 1900. This advert for Ada Delroy lists the Bioscope as a featured act. Of note is that manager James Bell purchased a Cinématographe Lumière in Australia in 1897 as per “General Gossip”, The Referee, May 12, 1897; “Public Notifications: Novelty Theatre: Grand Cinematograph Exhibition”, The Times of India, August 23, 1901.
    [65] Sally Jackson, “Do Frenchmen play cricket?” July 3, 2014,
    Sally Jackson,”Georges Boivin: Paris, 1859-1940”,
    [66] Firoze Rangoonwalla, Indian Filmography: Silent & Hindi Films (1897-1969), (Bombay: J. Udeshi, 1970) and Madan Gaur, Other side of the coin, an intimate study of the Indian film industry. (Bombay: Trimurti Prakashan, 1973). Detail on Save Dada is elusive, including a consistent spelling of his name, the films he made and the years of production; “Lumire [sic] Cinématographe: Viewing and Projection”, accessed October 25, 2016.
    The Cinématographe Lumière which Save Dada purchased through Riley’s of London can now be found as part of the Feroze Sarosh Collection in the National Media Museum in Bradford in the United Kingdom.
    [67] “Public Notifications: Novelty Theatre: Grand Cinématographe Exhibition”, The Times of India, August 23, 1901. The advertisement notes that local scenes will be shown. Although no attribution is made it’s possible these are some of Save Dada’s films.
    [68] “For Sale”. The Times of India, June 1, 1903. Save Dada’s for sale advertisement for his Cinématographe Lumière.
    [69] [Marius Sestier Collection] 1467275, [39]
    [70] [Marius Sestier Collection] 1467275, [7]
    [71] Virk, Diljit Singh. Indian Postal History, 1873-1923: Gleanings from Post Office Records. New Delhi: Army Postal Service Association, 1991; Thacker’s Indian Directory 1895.


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